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ABVP goons allegedly attack protesting students: Delhi University (DU)

02 Dec 2022

ABVP

UPDATE:

Meanwhile, faculty and students told Sabrangindia that, on Friday, December 2, a protest has been organised by students against the hoolaginism of the ABVP at the Delhi University (DU). Section 144 has been imposed by the Delhi police prohibiting gatherings.

Update

Also, anti-Brahmin and Baniya casteist grafitti appeared on the walls of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). ABVP has alleged that AISA and the left are responsible for this, as they are “anti-national and anti-Hindu”. The Left has pointed out that it is the ABVP that is at the source of the violence (attacks on meetings, disappearance of Najeeb Ahmed after a ABVP attack, beating up students on the campus and in hostels) but to date –due to the impunity enjoyed by the outfit --no action has been taken even when they are identified on CCTV camera.

[[Najeeb Ahmed, a first year MSc Biotechnology student in the JNU went missing on October 15, 2016 after the alleged attacks on him by members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidhyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the ruling party. This had sparked students’ movements across the country. His mother Fatima Nafees has been tirelessly following up his case. On multiple occasions she has faced extreme police brutality despite peacefully demanding for her son to be found.]]

All these developments have seriously vitiated the atmosphere on campus. JNUTA (JNU Teachers Association) has stated that there is no security on campus and that the JNU administration has failed completely. Both sides, meanwhile have demanded a speedy “free and fair enquiry” into these recent attacks.

Photo1

Photo


ABVP goons attacked students campaigning on campus for a meeting demanding the release of Prof. G.N. Saibaba. Armed with rods and hurling bricks that injured several students who have been taken to Hindu Rao Hospital for treatment. ABVP students even surrounded the hospital where students were taken for treatment. Police reached after desperate calls and finally “removed” ABVP aggressors from the hospital.  The SHO of Maurice Nagar police station was also present at the hospital but it is yet unclear whether an FIR has been filed and against whom in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) affiliated to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

December 1: The incident took place during a protest organized by Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (BSCEM). According to reports, students from the Campaign against State Repression (CASR) were campaigning on the DU campus when they were allegedly attacked with stones first, then with lathis (batons).

Teachers and professors associated with the All India Forum for the Right to Education (AIFRTE) shared photos of the students attacked with Sabrangindia

 


Ravinder Singh, a final-year law student and the incumbent president of Bhagat Singh Chatra Ekta Manch, told the media (ABP News and Quint ) that around 10 to 12 students were holding a campaign to spread awareness about GN Saibaba’s unjust incarceration. Out of the blue, 40–50 ABVP students attacked them with lathis. Many students were injured, he added. Protestor Rajveer said his friend was hit with a brick, while another was pinned down and beaten up.

According to media reports the injured students were immediately rushed to the Hindu Rao Hospital. The students who were seeking treatment at the hospital allege that 40 to 50 people also surrounded the hospital and threatened them.

Ehtmam, a law graduate from Jamia Millia Islamia who was a part of the campaign, claimed that ABVP said that if they step out of the hospital, they will attack them again. This threat was given in front of police officials, he added.

Ravinder said that while some of the alleged attackers had the Aam Aadmi Party’s flag tied to their knees, he was certain that they all were from the ABVP.

Background:

On January 5, 2020, at the height of the anti CAA 2019 protests in the capital a masked mob armed with sticks and bricks went on a rampage at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), beating up students and vandalising university property. Many of them were identified as directly associated with the ABVP; to date they have not been arrested.


Related:

ABVP: In the footsteps of Pakistan’s Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba; ominously so

 

ABVP goons allegedly attack protesting students: Delhi University (DU)

ABVP

UPDATE:

Meanwhile, faculty and students told Sabrangindia that, on Friday, December 2, a protest has been organised by students against the hoolaginism of the ABVP at the Delhi University (DU). Section 144 has been imposed by the Delhi police prohibiting gatherings.

Update

Also, anti-Brahmin and Baniya casteist grafitti appeared on the walls of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). ABVP has alleged that AISA and the left are responsible for this, as they are “anti-national and anti-Hindu”. The Left has pointed out that it is the ABVP that is at the source of the violence (attacks on meetings, disappearance of Najeeb Ahmed after a ABVP attack, beating up students on the campus and in hostels) but to date –due to the impunity enjoyed by the outfit --no action has been taken even when they are identified on CCTV camera.

[[Najeeb Ahmed, a first year MSc Biotechnology student in the JNU went missing on October 15, 2016 after the alleged attacks on him by members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidhyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the ruling party. This had sparked students’ movements across the country. His mother Fatima Nafees has been tirelessly following up his case. On multiple occasions she has faced extreme police brutality despite peacefully demanding for her son to be found.]]

All these developments have seriously vitiated the atmosphere on campus. JNUTA (JNU Teachers Association) has stated that there is no security on campus and that the JNU administration has failed completely. Both sides, meanwhile have demanded a speedy “free and fair enquiry” into these recent attacks.

Photo1

Photo


ABVP goons attacked students campaigning on campus for a meeting demanding the release of Prof. G.N. Saibaba. Armed with rods and hurling bricks that injured several students who have been taken to Hindu Rao Hospital for treatment. ABVP students even surrounded the hospital where students were taken for treatment. Police reached after desperate calls and finally “removed” ABVP aggressors from the hospital.  The SHO of Maurice Nagar police station was also present at the hospital but it is yet unclear whether an FIR has been filed and against whom in the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) affiliated to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

December 1: The incident took place during a protest organized by Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (BSCEM). According to reports, students from the Campaign against State Repression (CASR) were campaigning on the DU campus when they were allegedly attacked with stones first, then with lathis (batons).

Teachers and professors associated with the All India Forum for the Right to Education (AIFRTE) shared photos of the students attacked with Sabrangindia

 


Ravinder Singh, a final-year law student and the incumbent president of Bhagat Singh Chatra Ekta Manch, told the media (ABP News and Quint ) that around 10 to 12 students were holding a campaign to spread awareness about GN Saibaba’s unjust incarceration. Out of the blue, 40–50 ABVP students attacked them with lathis. Many students were injured, he added. Protestor Rajveer said his friend was hit with a brick, while another was pinned down and beaten up.

According to media reports the injured students were immediately rushed to the Hindu Rao Hospital. The students who were seeking treatment at the hospital allege that 40 to 50 people also surrounded the hospital and threatened them.

Ehtmam, a law graduate from Jamia Millia Islamia who was a part of the campaign, claimed that ABVP said that if they step out of the hospital, they will attack them again. This threat was given in front of police officials, he added.

Ravinder said that while some of the alleged attackers had the Aam Aadmi Party’s flag tied to their knees, he was certain that they all were from the ABVP.

Background:

On January 5, 2020, at the height of the anti CAA 2019 protests in the capital a masked mob armed with sticks and bricks went on a rampage at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), beating up students and vandalising university property. Many of them were identified as directly associated with the ABVP; to date they have not been arrested.


Related:

ABVP: In the footsteps of Pakistan’s Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba; ominously so

 

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Hindu state by 2025? BJP-RSS 'will have no qualms' in changing basics of Constitution

30 Nov 2022

hindutva

It was ‘Constitution Day’ once again on 26 November, as the nation remembered with profound gratitude the day in 1949, on which the Constituent Assembly ‘adopted, enacted and gave to ourselves’ a meaningful Constitution.

The day was also a reminder that ‘Constitution Day’ for the citizens of India cannot be relegated to just one day- it has to be observed every single day; and secondly, the Constitution belongs to ‘we, the people of India’ and we should never allow it to be desecrated by anyone at any time!

Setting the tone for the day, was a momentous address delivered by the Chief Justice of India, DY Chandrachud in the Supreme Court of India. CJI Chandrachud who took over the reins of the Apex Court just a couple of weeks earlier began his address by stating that the Constitution of India was a social contract between those historically in power and those who had been marginalised.

Highlighting the need to enhance the representation of marginalised communities in the legal profession, he said:
“The story of the Indian constitution is not just a story of legal text but is a story of human struggles and sacrifices, on undoing the injustices against the marginalised communities of society– the women, the Dalits and the disabled. The marginalised were the first to bring ideas or equality and liberty in the Indian law. The first wave of resistance against colonial power came from indigenous communities.”

He went on to add:
“It is essential that the judiciary reaches out to the people and not to expect the people to reach out to the judiciary. The infrastructure of technology must not be dismantled. Though the Supreme Court is located at Tilak Marg, it is the Supreme Court for the entire nation.

"The virtual access has made it possible for lawyers to argue cases from their own places. As a CJI, I am looking to adopt technology in listing of cases and court hearings, which will help to weed out institutional flaws such as delay in listing and hearing.”

In doing so, he gave a clearly direction to the judiciary and of course reiterated the fact that the Constitution belongs to ‘we the people of India!’
This address was not a one-off from CJI Chandrachud! In February 2019, delivering the Justice KT Desai Memorial Lecture at the Bombay High Court on ‘Why Constitution Matters’, he strongly said:

“The people who work the constitution may go terribly wrong and sometimes they do as when we jail a cartoonist for sedition or when jail instead of bail is given to a blogger who is critical of our religious architecture. When a mob lynches a person for the food that she or he eats it is the constitution which is lynched.

“When we deny to human beings the power of lover for reasons of religion or caste it is the constitution which is made to weep. That is exactly what happened yesterday when a groom belonging to the Dalit community was asked to climb down from a horse in a wedding procession. Let’s make no two bones about it. It is the constitution which weeps when we read of such incidents”.

A year later, in February 2020 striking a similar note at the Justice P.D. Desai Memorial Lecture at the Gujarat High Court, he said:
“When the Constituent Assembly was called to decide the fate of separate electorates in independent India, they decided that its inclusion was not essential to and even contrary to the requirements of a pluralistic society.

“They rejected separate electorates and dismissed the relevance of numerical disadvantage in a polity. The framers of the Constitution rejected the notion of a Hindu India and a Muslim India. They recognised only the Republic of India…

“Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society… Inherent in the liberal promise of the Constitution is a commitment to a plurality of opinion.

“A legitimate government committed to deliberate dialogue does not seek to restrict political contestation but welcomes it…. taking democracy seriously requires us to respond respectfully to the intelligence of others and to participate vigorously, but as an equal in determining how we should live together.”
All this was in the wake of massive anti-CAA protests all over India!

Interestingly, in August 2022, just three months before he became CJI, Justice Chandrachud at the 11th Convocation Ceremony of the OP Jindal Global University Delhi said:

“Our constitutional culture does not maintain itself. It is for each one of us citizens to participate in the slow but vital task every day of transforming our Constitution from a charter of ideals to a reflection of reality… The judiciary has a greater role to play in promoting social democracy. However, the quest for a constitutional culture is not limited to the courtroom or black letter of the law.”

Invoking Dr BR Ambedkar, he described social democracy as a way of life that recognizes social liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life.
CJI Chandrachud seems to be wedded to ‘Constitution Matters’ and rightly so, which should be a non-negotiable for anyone professing to be part of the legal fraternity. Seventy-three years ago on 26 November 1949, the Constituent Assembly of India adopted and gave to “we, the people” a landmark Constitution which is the only sacred book of every Indian citizen; it is a bulwark of fundamental rights and directive principles, which are a prerequisite for any healthy democracy.

The Preamble, with its emphasis on justice, liberty, equality and fraternity and its commitment to India being and remaining a ‘sovereign socialist secular democratic republic’ spells out the vision and the intrinsic character of a unique Constitution.

Thanks to the vision of the women and men of the Constituent Assembly, we can take genuine pride in a Constitution which is forward-looking and all-embracing and which respects the pluralistic fabric of the country.

After many years of having and being guided by a masterpiece of a Constitution, unbelievable events have been unfolding in India in the recent past. Since 2014, the sanctity of the Constitution is being systematically destroyed and CJI Chandrachud has been on-target referring to them and for the need of judicial reform.

The current regime seems to have left no stone unturned to destroy the independence and the autonomous functioning of several Constitutional and other statutory bodies. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the Enforcement Directorate (ED) the National Investigating Agency (NIA) have become ‘caged parrots.

The army has been compromised and the police have been taught to kowtow to those who have rendered them spineless! All these agencies, together with the Income Tax Department, are systematically used (rather, abused) to throttle voices of dissent and anyone who stands up for truth and justice! The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is browbeaten to bend backwards to cater to the whims and fancies of a Government that has sent the country into a downward economic spiral!

Media, the fourth pillar of a vibrant democracy, has been made largely impotent, completely godified! Other important bodies, like the Information Commission, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and even the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) have been made toothless and filled with pliable henchmen!

The Election Commission of India has become a pawn in the hands of the Government. On 24 November, a five-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court, headed by Justice KM Joseph, reserved its verdict on a batch of pleas seeking a collegium-like system for the appointment of ECs and the Chief Election Commissioner and asked the parties to file written submission in five days.

During the hearing the bench made some strong remarks questioning if the Election Commission was actually an independent body. It had a pointed "hypothesis" for the central government: “Do you think the Election Commissioner... if he's asked to take on none less than the Prime Minister -- it's just an example -- and he doesn't come around to doing it: Will it not be a case of complete breakdown of the system?”

Ambedkar insisted on giving up the grammar of anarchy, avoiding hero-worship, and  work towards a social – not just political – democracy

The Apex Court said the Election Commission is "supposed to be completely insulated", and referred to how the government had spoken of appointing “a man of character"; it noted that, "character consists of various components... one particular characteristic required is independence".

The current Election Commission has demonstrated how partial it is : instead of announcing the dates of voting to the Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat Assemblies at the same time, it deferred the announcing of the Gujarat election dates till early November, only after the Prime Minister had completed his manipulative tasks of ribbon-cutting and inauguration of some populist schemes in Gujarat!

There are several other efforts being made to tamper with the Constitution, to negate its essence (justice, liberty, equality and fraternity) and to destroy some of the key dimensions of its democratic framework (sovereign, secular socialist), which are deeply interwoven into the pluralistic fabric of Indian society.

The current BJP/RSS combine, including some of their ministers and leading functionaries have often gone on record saying that once they have the pre-requisite numbers in Parliament, they will have no qualms of conscience to change fundamentals of the Constitution like that of ‘secularism’ and equal rights for all.

There are consistent proclamations for the establishment of a ‘Hindu State’ by 2025 (the centenary of the RSS); the annihilation of the minorities particularly the Muslims and Christians; ‘lynching’ of minorities is the ‘new normal’. There is talk of a ‘Common Civil Code’, of a national anti-conversion law and that the rights of the minorities guaranteed in the Constitution should be scrapped immediately!

There is the anti-Constitutional Citizenship Amendment Act; the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A where Kashmir is concerned.; labour codes which favour the corporates; thanks to the farmers agitation, the anti-farmer policies, are for the time being, in cold storage. The proposed Adani port in Vizhinjam Kerala will affect the livelihood of more than 56,000 fisher folk!

The Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) is used selectively to target dissenters and human rights defenders who stand up for truth and justice on behalf of the exploited and excluded of the country! Governors of States, instead of safe-guarding the Constitution, have begun ‘yes-men’ of the regime! The list of anti-Constitutional policies and acts are endless!

On the eve of the enactment of the Constitution, 25 November 1949, in a passionate speech to the Constituent Assembly, Dr BR Ambedkar, the father of our Constitution, gave three unambiguous warnings: the need to give up the grammar of anarchy, to avoid hero-worship, and to work towards a social – not just a political – democracy!

Ambedkar was, at that time, perhaps visioning what India could become in 2022, and how these three aspects could not only destroy all that was sacred in the Constitution, but could result in the dismantling of the democratic framework which a new resurgent India was just born into and committed to!
Ambedkar said:

“If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what must we do? The first thing in my judgement we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our social and economic objectives…. where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for (..) unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us.

“The second thing we must do is to observe the caution which John Stuart Mill has given to all who are interested in the maintenance of democracy, namely, not “to lay their liberties at the feet of even a great man, or to trust him with power which enable him to subvert their institutions in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship.

“The third thing we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it, social democracy”.
Ambedkar added:

Will history repeat itself? It is this thought, which fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realisation of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds, we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indians place the country above their creed or above their country?

“I do not know, but this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost forever. This eventuality we all must resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood!”
Ambedkar’s final words in that path breaking speech, sums up his views on the measure of responsibility owed to preserve the idea of India, as envisioned in the Constitution:

“If we wish to preserve the Constitution in which we have sought to enshrine the principle of Government of the people, for the people and by the people, let us resolve not to be tardy in the recognition of the evils that lie across our path and which induce people to prefer Government for the people to Government by the people, nor to be weak in our initiative to remove them. . That is the only way to serve the country. I know of no better.”

“We, the People of India”, must pledge to and actually fight the fascist and fundamental forces who are destroying the sanctity of our Constitution. We can no longer sit in silence and in our comfort zones; we must rise as one people: our Constitution is all that matters; it belongs to us! In the words of Ambedkar “we are determined to defend it with the last drop of our blood”!

*Human rights & peace activist/writer

Courtesy: https://www.counterview.net

Hindu state by 2025? BJP-RSS 'will have no qualms' in changing basics of Constitution

hindutva

It was ‘Constitution Day’ once again on 26 November, as the nation remembered with profound gratitude the day in 1949, on which the Constituent Assembly ‘adopted, enacted and gave to ourselves’ a meaningful Constitution.

The day was also a reminder that ‘Constitution Day’ for the citizens of India cannot be relegated to just one day- it has to be observed every single day; and secondly, the Constitution belongs to ‘we, the people of India’ and we should never allow it to be desecrated by anyone at any time!

Setting the tone for the day, was a momentous address delivered by the Chief Justice of India, DY Chandrachud in the Supreme Court of India. CJI Chandrachud who took over the reins of the Apex Court just a couple of weeks earlier began his address by stating that the Constitution of India was a social contract between those historically in power and those who had been marginalised.

Highlighting the need to enhance the representation of marginalised communities in the legal profession, he said:
“The story of the Indian constitution is not just a story of legal text but is a story of human struggles and sacrifices, on undoing the injustices against the marginalised communities of society– the women, the Dalits and the disabled. The marginalised were the first to bring ideas or equality and liberty in the Indian law. The first wave of resistance against colonial power came from indigenous communities.”

He went on to add:
“It is essential that the judiciary reaches out to the people and not to expect the people to reach out to the judiciary. The infrastructure of technology must not be dismantled. Though the Supreme Court is located at Tilak Marg, it is the Supreme Court for the entire nation.

"The virtual access has made it possible for lawyers to argue cases from their own places. As a CJI, I am looking to adopt technology in listing of cases and court hearings, which will help to weed out institutional flaws such as delay in listing and hearing.”

In doing so, he gave a clearly direction to the judiciary and of course reiterated the fact that the Constitution belongs to ‘we the people of India!’
This address was not a one-off from CJI Chandrachud! In February 2019, delivering the Justice KT Desai Memorial Lecture at the Bombay High Court on ‘Why Constitution Matters’, he strongly said:

“The people who work the constitution may go terribly wrong and sometimes they do as when we jail a cartoonist for sedition or when jail instead of bail is given to a blogger who is critical of our religious architecture. When a mob lynches a person for the food that she or he eats it is the constitution which is lynched.

“When we deny to human beings the power of lover for reasons of religion or caste it is the constitution which is made to weep. That is exactly what happened yesterday when a groom belonging to the Dalit community was asked to climb down from a horse in a wedding procession. Let’s make no two bones about it. It is the constitution which weeps when we read of such incidents”.

A year later, in February 2020 striking a similar note at the Justice P.D. Desai Memorial Lecture at the Gujarat High Court, he said:
“When the Constituent Assembly was called to decide the fate of separate electorates in independent India, they decided that its inclusion was not essential to and even contrary to the requirements of a pluralistic society.

“They rejected separate electorates and dismissed the relevance of numerical disadvantage in a polity. The framers of the Constitution rejected the notion of a Hindu India and a Muslim India. They recognised only the Republic of India…

“Protecting dissent is but a reminder that while democratically elected governments offer us a legitimate tool for development and social coordination, they can never claim a monopoly over the values and identities that define our plural society… Inherent in the liberal promise of the Constitution is a commitment to a plurality of opinion.

“A legitimate government committed to deliberate dialogue does not seek to restrict political contestation but welcomes it…. taking democracy seriously requires us to respond respectfully to the intelligence of others and to participate vigorously, but as an equal in determining how we should live together.”
All this was in the wake of massive anti-CAA protests all over India!

Interestingly, in August 2022, just three months before he became CJI, Justice Chandrachud at the 11th Convocation Ceremony of the OP Jindal Global University Delhi said:

“Our constitutional culture does not maintain itself. It is for each one of us citizens to participate in the slow but vital task every day of transforming our Constitution from a charter of ideals to a reflection of reality… The judiciary has a greater role to play in promoting social democracy. However, the quest for a constitutional culture is not limited to the courtroom or black letter of the law.”

Invoking Dr BR Ambedkar, he described social democracy as a way of life that recognizes social liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life.
CJI Chandrachud seems to be wedded to ‘Constitution Matters’ and rightly so, which should be a non-negotiable for anyone professing to be part of the legal fraternity. Seventy-three years ago on 26 November 1949, the Constituent Assembly of India adopted and gave to “we, the people” a landmark Constitution which is the only sacred book of every Indian citizen; it is a bulwark of fundamental rights and directive principles, which are a prerequisite for any healthy democracy.

The Preamble, with its emphasis on justice, liberty, equality and fraternity and its commitment to India being and remaining a ‘sovereign socialist secular democratic republic’ spells out the vision and the intrinsic character of a unique Constitution.

Thanks to the vision of the women and men of the Constituent Assembly, we can take genuine pride in a Constitution which is forward-looking and all-embracing and which respects the pluralistic fabric of the country.

After many years of having and being guided by a masterpiece of a Constitution, unbelievable events have been unfolding in India in the recent past. Since 2014, the sanctity of the Constitution is being systematically destroyed and CJI Chandrachud has been on-target referring to them and for the need of judicial reform.

The current regime seems to have left no stone unturned to destroy the independence and the autonomous functioning of several Constitutional and other statutory bodies. The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the Enforcement Directorate (ED) the National Investigating Agency (NIA) have become ‘caged parrots.

The army has been compromised and the police have been taught to kowtow to those who have rendered them spineless! All these agencies, together with the Income Tax Department, are systematically used (rather, abused) to throttle voices of dissent and anyone who stands up for truth and justice! The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) is browbeaten to bend backwards to cater to the whims and fancies of a Government that has sent the country into a downward economic spiral!

Media, the fourth pillar of a vibrant democracy, has been made largely impotent, completely godified! Other important bodies, like the Information Commission, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and even the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) have been made toothless and filled with pliable henchmen!

The Election Commission of India has become a pawn in the hands of the Government. On 24 November, a five-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court, headed by Justice KM Joseph, reserved its verdict on a batch of pleas seeking a collegium-like system for the appointment of ECs and the Chief Election Commissioner and asked the parties to file written submission in five days.

During the hearing the bench made some strong remarks questioning if the Election Commission was actually an independent body. It had a pointed "hypothesis" for the central government: “Do you think the Election Commissioner... if he's asked to take on none less than the Prime Minister -- it's just an example -- and he doesn't come around to doing it: Will it not be a case of complete breakdown of the system?”

Ambedkar insisted on giving up the grammar of anarchy, avoiding hero-worship, and  work towards a social – not just political – democracy

The Apex Court said the Election Commission is "supposed to be completely insulated", and referred to how the government had spoken of appointing “a man of character"; it noted that, "character consists of various components... one particular characteristic required is independence".

The current Election Commission has demonstrated how partial it is : instead of announcing the dates of voting to the Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat Assemblies at the same time, it deferred the announcing of the Gujarat election dates till early November, only after the Prime Minister had completed his manipulative tasks of ribbon-cutting and inauguration of some populist schemes in Gujarat!

There are several other efforts being made to tamper with the Constitution, to negate its essence (justice, liberty, equality and fraternity) and to destroy some of the key dimensions of its democratic framework (sovereign, secular socialist), which are deeply interwoven into the pluralistic fabric of Indian society.

The current BJP/RSS combine, including some of their ministers and leading functionaries have often gone on record saying that once they have the pre-requisite numbers in Parliament, they will have no qualms of conscience to change fundamentals of the Constitution like that of ‘secularism’ and equal rights for all.

There are consistent proclamations for the establishment of a ‘Hindu State’ by 2025 (the centenary of the RSS); the annihilation of the minorities particularly the Muslims and Christians; ‘lynching’ of minorities is the ‘new normal’. There is talk of a ‘Common Civil Code’, of a national anti-conversion law and that the rights of the minorities guaranteed in the Constitution should be scrapped immediately!

There is the anti-Constitutional Citizenship Amendment Act; the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A where Kashmir is concerned.; labour codes which favour the corporates; thanks to the farmers agitation, the anti-farmer policies, are for the time being, in cold storage. The proposed Adani port in Vizhinjam Kerala will affect the livelihood of more than 56,000 fisher folk!

The Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) is used selectively to target dissenters and human rights defenders who stand up for truth and justice on behalf of the exploited and excluded of the country! Governors of States, instead of safe-guarding the Constitution, have begun ‘yes-men’ of the regime! The list of anti-Constitutional policies and acts are endless!

On the eve of the enactment of the Constitution, 25 November 1949, in a passionate speech to the Constituent Assembly, Dr BR Ambedkar, the father of our Constitution, gave three unambiguous warnings: the need to give up the grammar of anarchy, to avoid hero-worship, and to work towards a social – not just a political – democracy!

Ambedkar was, at that time, perhaps visioning what India could become in 2022, and how these three aspects could not only destroy all that was sacred in the Constitution, but could result in the dismantling of the democratic framework which a new resurgent India was just born into and committed to!
Ambedkar said:

“If we wish to maintain democracy not merely in form, but also in fact, what must we do? The first thing in my judgement we must do is to hold fast to constitutional methods of achieving our social and economic objectives…. where constitutional methods are open, there can be no justification for (..) unconstitutional methods. These methods are nothing but the Grammar of Anarchy and the sooner they are abandoned, the better for us.

“The second thing we must do is to observe the caution which John Stuart Mill has given to all who are interested in the maintenance of democracy, namely, not “to lay their liberties at the feet of even a great man, or to trust him with power which enable him to subvert their institutions in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship.

“The third thing we must do is not to be content with mere political democracy. We must make our political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it, social democracy”.
Ambedkar added:

Will history repeat itself? It is this thought, which fills me with anxiety. This anxiety is deepened by the realisation of the fact that in addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds, we are going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political creeds. Will Indians place the country above their creed or above their country?

“I do not know, but this much is certain that if the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put in jeopardy a second time and probably be lost forever. This eventuality we all must resolutely guard against. We must be determined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood!”
Ambedkar’s final words in that path breaking speech, sums up his views on the measure of responsibility owed to preserve the idea of India, as envisioned in the Constitution:

“If we wish to preserve the Constitution in which we have sought to enshrine the principle of Government of the people, for the people and by the people, let us resolve not to be tardy in the recognition of the evils that lie across our path and which induce people to prefer Government for the people to Government by the people, nor to be weak in our initiative to remove them. . That is the only way to serve the country. I know of no better.”

“We, the People of India”, must pledge to and actually fight the fascist and fundamental forces who are destroying the sanctity of our Constitution. We can no longer sit in silence and in our comfort zones; we must rise as one people: our Constitution is all that matters; it belongs to us! In the words of Ambedkar “we are determined to defend it with the last drop of our blood”!

*Human rights & peace activist/writer

Courtesy: https://www.counterview.net

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How the RSS’, Golwalkar, HMS’ Savarkar glorified caste: Devanur Mahadevan

Laced with quotations from Golwalkar and Savarkar of the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha themselves, this work, now available  in Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and English, sharply critiques the far right’s worldview on caste exclusion and discrimination

21 Nov 2022

Devnura

The Kannada language author of the path-breaking novella Kusumabale, and writer of several short stories, Devanura Mahadeva, one of Karnataka’s most prominent public intellectuals has now brought us The RSS-The Long and Short of It, a work endorsed by renowned author, Geetanjali Sree with an introduction and afterward by Ramchandra Guha and Yogendra Yadav respectively. This book, translated by S.R. Ramakrishna into English is now available.

[Devanur Mahadeva, The RSS- The Long & Short of It-- available in English; Price Rs 199; to obtain a copy of the book, contact publishers Abhiruchi Prakashan Mysore -99 80 56 00 13]

Respected for his work with not just Dalits and Adivasis, but forging links with seminal struggles for democratic and minority rights, the publication of this pamphlet in July first drew the predictable abuse from the trolls and their mentors, in a failed attempt to discredit the author and the book. Devanur Mahadeva is a particular sore eye for the right because of his vocal advocacy of inter-faith harmony. Recently, when a socio economic boycott of Muslims selling halal meet was sought to be incited, Mahadeva displayed his public commitment to constitutional values by going to a market in Mysuru to buy halal meat!

How the RSS and HMS endorse caste

The text begins with quotations from MS Golwalkar and VD Savarkar, two major ideologues who have shaped political Hinduism, Hindutva. The quotations, earlir analysed by Sabrangindia, show Golwalkar not just justifying the caste system and its in-built hierarchies, on the grounds that they have scriptural sanction, but uncritically rooting for a society based on this brazen inequity. There is also Savarkar urging worship of the Manusmriti, notwithstanding the fact that its endorsement of caste and gender inequalities is so antithetical to the Indian Constitution. The Savarkar quote chosen by Mahadeva is revealing:

Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worshipable after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law. That is fundamental.”

Golwalkar, the RSS’ major ideologue –with publications like We Or Our Nationhood Defined (the first, 1947 edition is available on Sabrangindia) and Bunch of Thoughts, calls the federal system of a union of states “poisonous”, urging instead a unitary political system based on the homogenising principle of “One Country, One State, One Legislature, One Executive’’.

Read Sabrangindia’s Exlusive, In Defence of Caste & against Cross-Breeding, 2016 in which, Golwalkar is defending Caste. In the course of a speech given in Gujarat, he then said:
 

 "Today we try to run down the Varna system through ignorance. But it was through this system that a great effort to control possessiveness could be made...In society some people are intellectuals, some are expert in production and earning of wealth and some have the capacity to labour. Our ancestors saw these four broad divisions in the society. The Varna systemmeans nothing else but a proper co-ordination of these divisions and an enabling of the individual to serve the society to the best of his ability through a hereditary development of the functions for which he is best suited. If this system continues a means of livelihood is already reserved for every individual from his birth."

[M. S. Golwalkar cited in Organizer, January 2, 1961, pp. 5 & 16. He had been invited in 1960 to address the students of the School of Social Science of Gujarat University on December 17, 1960]  

While none of this is unknown, per se, the political coming of age and to power of the Sangh,  has dimmed its wider dissemination, of late. Timely as this work then is, is the fact that Devanura Mahadeva draws our attention to the banality of what passes for thinking in the RSS. While the seminal political text to guide the re-organisation of the Indian state is We Or Our Nationhood Defined, efforts by the RSS to post facto “disown” it when they own up in toto to Golwalkar, takes is to his second work, Bunch of Thoughts. This is a book of Golwalkar’s entitled Bunch of Thoughts. Mahedeva writes, “If you look inside this book for anything that could be considered a ‘thought’, or ‘chintane’, you will find absolutely nothing. What it offers is only a set of random, dangerous beliefs, and that too from a bygone time.” (Having read the book several times myself, I entirely concur with this judgment). The RSS’s ideology is so narrow-minded that, as Mahadeva remarks, “forget about anyone else, no sensible Brahmin even can accept this devilish view of the past that the RSS presents”.

Mahadeva is a self-proclaimed defender of the Indian Constitution. For all the lip service leaders of the RSS and BJP pay to that document, in truth they are deeply averse to its core tenets such as pluralism, caste and gender equality, freedom of speech, and federalism. Mahadeva goes so far as to suggest that “the more they damage the Indian Constitution, the more victorious they feel.”

He continues: “To destroy the Constitution, the RSS and its affiliates are committing unspeakable acts. They are playing games they shouldn’t be playing. And not just one or two! They are waging a war to overturn the federalism that binds the states and the union government, and that constitutes the bedrock of the Constitution.”

Mahadeva acidly remarks that since coming to power in 2014, “the BJP has offered Golwalkar its guru dakshina by burying federalism, by stifling to death the federal system that constitutes a critical part of the Constitution”.

Distortion and manipulation of history and fact, peddling stereotype, while using violence to generate a climate of perpetual insecurity and fear are their credos, the author states that “Falsehood is their family deity.” He de-constructs and analyses many distortions propagated in textbooks published by BJP Governments controlled by the RSS, which seek to prejudice the minds of our children with hatred for fellow citizens who do not happen to be Hindus.

Political Critique

Mahadeva also analyses how a degeneration of political parties and politics have allowed the RSS and the BJP to foster roots and grow: “When you look at India’s political parties, these are the facets you see: 1) single-person led party (2) family-controlled party (3) a party led by an anti-Constitution organisation. All three are detrimental to democracy.”

Coming to contemporary times, since the RSS-led BJP government came to power at the centre in 2014, Mahadeva also talks of the promises made by the RSS pracharak Narendra Modi when he came to power, such as the return of black money, the doubling of farm incomes, the generation of millions of jobs. These promises have remained wholly unfulfilled. Instead, economic inequalities and disparities of wealth have grown alarmingly. Burgeoning crony capitalism spiralled by de-monetization that killed India’s informal sector and medium scale enterprises (MSMEs), only two corporate lords have benefitted this decimation during Modi’s prime ministership: Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani (both incidentally from the prime minister’s home state, Gujarat).

The ideological critique of the RSS and the BJP that constitutes the heart of the exercise... In the space of a few thousand words, Mahadeva lays bare the intrinsic authoritarianism, its casteism, and its majoritarianism of the RSS, BJP and its affiliates, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VJP) and Bajrang Dal (BD). Mahadeva’s work, easily readable is a much needed text to counter the political hegemonising by the RSS-BJP. Before assuming political power, the infiltration of men and women of this ideology into positions of governance enabled them to assume power; now they enable these forces to retain it.

Karnataka, Mahadeva’s home state has seen violent polarisation, hate politics and even attacks on minority cultural sites and places of worship, under the BJP. This state goes to the polls next year. If this politics of caste hegemony and majoritarianism is not checked, this would signal the decline or end of the region’s pluralist and humanist traditions. It is this imminent, lurking danger that leads Devanura Mahadeva to give out a gentle call to action, a plea to all those who oppose the RSS and the BJP to come together on a common platform to restore the foundations of the Republic and rescue it from being further ravaged by the fanatics on the Right. It is worth quoting his call at some length:

  “At least now, forward looking groups, organisations and parties should rise above being just little streams; they should flow collectively as one river. To be able to do that, they must abandon the unhealthy attitude of being pure and superior to others. They must give up their ego, and develop the humility to accept that hundreds of paths might exist for attaining an aim. They must put an end to their leadership squabbles. Rather than insist narrow-mindedly that they lead, or that their party lead, they must join a broad alliance to save federalism and the Indian Constitution and the diversity that is the life breath of India. They must come together to build a participatory democracy, where all citizens and communities participate, to create a culture that is tolerant, loving and free of distinctions of high and low.”

Related:

The Sangh's Hypocrisy on Dalits, It's Time to Read 'Bunch of Thoughts', Again!

Kerala Science Centre to be named after Golwalkar

The Ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is both Hate-Ridden and Supremacist - Part 1

How the RSS’, Golwalkar, HMS’ Savarkar glorified caste: Devanur Mahadevan

Laced with quotations from Golwalkar and Savarkar of the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha themselves, this work, now available  in Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and English, sharply critiques the far right’s worldview on caste exclusion and discrimination

Devnura

The Kannada language author of the path-breaking novella Kusumabale, and writer of several short stories, Devanura Mahadeva, one of Karnataka’s most prominent public intellectuals has now brought us The RSS-The Long and Short of It, a work endorsed by renowned author, Geetanjali Sree with an introduction and afterward by Ramchandra Guha and Yogendra Yadav respectively. This book, translated by S.R. Ramakrishna into English is now available.

[Devanur Mahadeva, The RSS- The Long & Short of It-- available in English; Price Rs 199; to obtain a copy of the book, contact publishers Abhiruchi Prakashan Mysore -99 80 56 00 13]

Respected for his work with not just Dalits and Adivasis, but forging links with seminal struggles for democratic and minority rights, the publication of this pamphlet in July first drew the predictable abuse from the trolls and their mentors, in a failed attempt to discredit the author and the book. Devanur Mahadeva is a particular sore eye for the right because of his vocal advocacy of inter-faith harmony. Recently, when a socio economic boycott of Muslims selling halal meet was sought to be incited, Mahadeva displayed his public commitment to constitutional values by going to a market in Mysuru to buy halal meat!

How the RSS and HMS endorse caste

The text begins with quotations from MS Golwalkar and VD Savarkar, two major ideologues who have shaped political Hinduism, Hindutva. The quotations, earlir analysed by Sabrangindia, show Golwalkar not just justifying the caste system and its in-built hierarchies, on the grounds that they have scriptural sanction, but uncritically rooting for a society based on this brazen inequity. There is also Savarkar urging worship of the Manusmriti, notwithstanding the fact that its endorsement of caste and gender inequalities is so antithetical to the Indian Constitution. The Savarkar quote chosen by Mahadeva is revealing:

Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worshipable after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law. That is fundamental.”

Golwalkar, the RSS’ major ideologue –with publications like We Or Our Nationhood Defined (the first, 1947 edition is available on Sabrangindia) and Bunch of Thoughts, calls the federal system of a union of states “poisonous”, urging instead a unitary political system based on the homogenising principle of “One Country, One State, One Legislature, One Executive’’.

Read Sabrangindia’s Exlusive, In Defence of Caste & against Cross-Breeding, 2016 in which, Golwalkar is defending Caste. In the course of a speech given in Gujarat, he then said:
 

 "Today we try to run down the Varna system through ignorance. But it was through this system that a great effort to control possessiveness could be made...In society some people are intellectuals, some are expert in production and earning of wealth and some have the capacity to labour. Our ancestors saw these four broad divisions in the society. The Varna systemmeans nothing else but a proper co-ordination of these divisions and an enabling of the individual to serve the society to the best of his ability through a hereditary development of the functions for which he is best suited. If this system continues a means of livelihood is already reserved for every individual from his birth."

[M. S. Golwalkar cited in Organizer, January 2, 1961, pp. 5 & 16. He had been invited in 1960 to address the students of the School of Social Science of Gujarat University on December 17, 1960]  

While none of this is unknown, per se, the political coming of age and to power of the Sangh,  has dimmed its wider dissemination, of late. Timely as this work then is, is the fact that Devanura Mahadeva draws our attention to the banality of what passes for thinking in the RSS. While the seminal political text to guide the re-organisation of the Indian state is We Or Our Nationhood Defined, efforts by the RSS to post facto “disown” it when they own up in toto to Golwalkar, takes is to his second work, Bunch of Thoughts. This is a book of Golwalkar’s entitled Bunch of Thoughts. Mahedeva writes, “If you look inside this book for anything that could be considered a ‘thought’, or ‘chintane’, you will find absolutely nothing. What it offers is only a set of random, dangerous beliefs, and that too from a bygone time.” (Having read the book several times myself, I entirely concur with this judgment). The RSS’s ideology is so narrow-minded that, as Mahadeva remarks, “forget about anyone else, no sensible Brahmin even can accept this devilish view of the past that the RSS presents”.

Mahadeva is a self-proclaimed defender of the Indian Constitution. For all the lip service leaders of the RSS and BJP pay to that document, in truth they are deeply averse to its core tenets such as pluralism, caste and gender equality, freedom of speech, and federalism. Mahadeva goes so far as to suggest that “the more they damage the Indian Constitution, the more victorious they feel.”

He continues: “To destroy the Constitution, the RSS and its affiliates are committing unspeakable acts. They are playing games they shouldn’t be playing. And not just one or two! They are waging a war to overturn the federalism that binds the states and the union government, and that constitutes the bedrock of the Constitution.”

Mahadeva acidly remarks that since coming to power in 2014, “the BJP has offered Golwalkar its guru dakshina by burying federalism, by stifling to death the federal system that constitutes a critical part of the Constitution”.

Distortion and manipulation of history and fact, peddling stereotype, while using violence to generate a climate of perpetual insecurity and fear are their credos, the author states that “Falsehood is their family deity.” He de-constructs and analyses many distortions propagated in textbooks published by BJP Governments controlled by the RSS, which seek to prejudice the minds of our children with hatred for fellow citizens who do not happen to be Hindus.

Political Critique

Mahadeva also analyses how a degeneration of political parties and politics have allowed the RSS and the BJP to foster roots and grow: “When you look at India’s political parties, these are the facets you see: 1) single-person led party (2) family-controlled party (3) a party led by an anti-Constitution organisation. All three are detrimental to democracy.”

Coming to contemporary times, since the RSS-led BJP government came to power at the centre in 2014, Mahadeva also talks of the promises made by the RSS pracharak Narendra Modi when he came to power, such as the return of black money, the doubling of farm incomes, the generation of millions of jobs. These promises have remained wholly unfulfilled. Instead, economic inequalities and disparities of wealth have grown alarmingly. Burgeoning crony capitalism spiralled by de-monetization that killed India’s informal sector and medium scale enterprises (MSMEs), only two corporate lords have benefitted this decimation during Modi’s prime ministership: Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani (both incidentally from the prime minister’s home state, Gujarat).

The ideological critique of the RSS and the BJP that constitutes the heart of the exercise... In the space of a few thousand words, Mahadeva lays bare the intrinsic authoritarianism, its casteism, and its majoritarianism of the RSS, BJP and its affiliates, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VJP) and Bajrang Dal (BD). Mahadeva’s work, easily readable is a much needed text to counter the political hegemonising by the RSS-BJP. Before assuming political power, the infiltration of men and women of this ideology into positions of governance enabled them to assume power; now they enable these forces to retain it.

Karnataka, Mahadeva’s home state has seen violent polarisation, hate politics and even attacks on minority cultural sites and places of worship, under the BJP. This state goes to the polls next year. If this politics of caste hegemony and majoritarianism is not checked, this would signal the decline or end of the region’s pluralist and humanist traditions. It is this imminent, lurking danger that leads Devanura Mahadeva to give out a gentle call to action, a plea to all those who oppose the RSS and the BJP to come together on a common platform to restore the foundations of the Republic and rescue it from being further ravaged by the fanatics on the Right. It is worth quoting his call at some length:

  “At least now, forward looking groups, organisations and parties should rise above being just little streams; they should flow collectively as one river. To be able to do that, they must abandon the unhealthy attitude of being pure and superior to others. They must give up their ego, and develop the humility to accept that hundreds of paths might exist for attaining an aim. They must put an end to their leadership squabbles. Rather than insist narrow-mindedly that they lead, or that their party lead, they must join a broad alliance to save federalism and the Indian Constitution and the diversity that is the life breath of India. They must come together to build a participatory democracy, where all citizens and communities participate, to create a culture that is tolerant, loving and free of distinctions of high and low.”

Related:

The Sangh's Hypocrisy on Dalits, It's Time to Read 'Bunch of Thoughts', Again!

Kerala Science Centre to be named after Golwalkar

The Ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is both Hate-Ridden and Supremacist - Part 1

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Jamia masjid row: Bajrang Dal submits PIL to Karnataka HC, demands to vacate mosque

Bajrang Dal activists have further demanded resurvey of the mosque on the lines of Gyanwapi masjid. The PIL was submitted on Wednesday by the state President of Bajrang Dal Manjunath.

17 Nov 2022

Jamia mosque

Bengaluru: Jamia Mosque row in Karnataka has come to the forefront with Bajarang Dal submitting a PIL in the High Court demanding to vacate it. The PIL claimed that there are proofs that the mosque was once a Hindu temple.

“There are traces of Hindu gods and temple structure in the Jamia Mosque of historical Srirangapatna town in Mandya district. Hence, the mosque should be vacated immediately and also, Hindu devotees should be allowed to take bath in the kalyani (traditional water body) located in the premises of the mosque,” the petition stated.

Bajrang Dal activists have further demanded resurvey of the mosque on the lines of Gyanwapi masjid. The PIL was submitted on Wednesday by the state President of Bajrang Dal Manjunath. Including Manjunath, 108 devotees of Hanuman have petitioned.

The number 108 is considered as auspicious in Hindu tradition and hence, 108 devotees have become parties, Bajrang Dal sources explain.

The Bajrang Dal activists have also given proof of the Mysore Gazetteer, Hindu architecture in mosque, inscription of Hindu idols, the sacred water body and references of British officers to the court.

Earlier, Hindutva groups had sought nod from authorities to conduct prayers in the mosque. The issue had become a hot topic in the state.

The mosque authorities have already made several appeals to concerned authorities to protect the Jamia mosque from Hindu activists.

Jamia masjid also called as Masjid-i-Ala, is located inside the Srirangapatna fort. It was built in 1786-87, during the rule of Tipu. The mosque has three inscriptions that mention nine names of Prophet Mohammad.

Narendra Modi Vichar Manch had made submissions to authorities for survey of the mosque, and maintain that they strongly believe with evidence that Jamia masjid was built after razing down Hanuman temple.

Courtesy: The Daily Siasat

Jamia masjid row: Bajrang Dal submits PIL to Karnataka HC, demands to vacate mosque

Bajrang Dal activists have further demanded resurvey of the mosque on the lines of Gyanwapi masjid. The PIL was submitted on Wednesday by the state President of Bajrang Dal Manjunath.

Jamia mosque

Bengaluru: Jamia Mosque row in Karnataka has come to the forefront with Bajarang Dal submitting a PIL in the High Court demanding to vacate it. The PIL claimed that there are proofs that the mosque was once a Hindu temple.

“There are traces of Hindu gods and temple structure in the Jamia Mosque of historical Srirangapatna town in Mandya district. Hence, the mosque should be vacated immediately and also, Hindu devotees should be allowed to take bath in the kalyani (traditional water body) located in the premises of the mosque,” the petition stated.

Bajrang Dal activists have further demanded resurvey of the mosque on the lines of Gyanwapi masjid. The PIL was submitted on Wednesday by the state President of Bajrang Dal Manjunath. Including Manjunath, 108 devotees of Hanuman have petitioned.

The number 108 is considered as auspicious in Hindu tradition and hence, 108 devotees have become parties, Bajrang Dal sources explain.

The Bajrang Dal activists have also given proof of the Mysore Gazetteer, Hindu architecture in mosque, inscription of Hindu idols, the sacred water body and references of British officers to the court.

Earlier, Hindutva groups had sought nod from authorities to conduct prayers in the mosque. The issue had become a hot topic in the state.

The mosque authorities have already made several appeals to concerned authorities to protect the Jamia mosque from Hindu activists.

Jamia masjid also called as Masjid-i-Ala, is located inside the Srirangapatna fort. It was built in 1786-87, during the rule of Tipu. The mosque has three inscriptions that mention nine names of Prophet Mohammad.

Narendra Modi Vichar Manch had made submissions to authorities for survey of the mosque, and maintain that they strongly believe with evidence that Jamia masjid was built after razing down Hanuman temple.

Courtesy: The Daily Siasat

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The Musalmans and a United Nation-India

11 Nov 2022

First published on: 11 Nov 2016

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

Today, November 11 is the 128th Birth Anniversary of Maulana Azad. In 1992 he was posthumously awarded India's highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna. He was 70 years when he passed away on February 22, 1958.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was twice elected President of the Indian National Congress, in 1923 and again in 1940. This excerpt from his historic address made at the Ramgarh Session of the grand old party are soul searching on the observations on the minorities and the syncretic fusion of religions on the sub-continent. The rest of the address may be read here.
 
“In 1923 you elected me President of this National Assembly. For the second time, after seventeen years, you have once again conferred upon me the same honour. Seventeen years is not a long period in the history of national struggles. But now the pace of events and world change is so rapid that our old standards no longer apply. During these last seventeen years we have passed through many stages, one after another. We had a long journey before us, and it was inevitable that we should pass through several stages.

“We rested at many a point no doubt, but never stopped. We surveyed and examined every prospect; but we were not ensnared by it, and passed on. We faced many ups and downs, but always our faces were turned towards the goal. The world may have doubted nur intentions and determination, but we never had a moment's doubt. Our path was full of difficulties, and at every step we were faced with great obstacles. It may be that we did not proceed as rapidly as we desired, but we did not flinch from marching forward.

“If we look back upon the period between 1923 and 1940, 1923 will appear to us a faded landmark in the distance. In 1923 we desired to reach our goal; but the goal was so distant then that even the milestones were hidden from our eyes. Raise your eyes today and look ahead. Not only do you see the milestones clearly, but the goal itself is not distant. But this is evident: that nearer we get to the goal, the more intense does our struggle become. Although the rapid march of events has taken us farther from our old landmark and brought us nearer our goal, yet it has created new troubles and difficulties for us. Today our caravan is passing a very critical stage. The essential difficulty of such a critical period lies in its conflicting possibilities. It is very probable that a correct step may bring us very near our goal; and on the other hand, a false step may land us in fresh troubles and difficulties.

“At such a critical juncture you have elected me President, and thus demonstrated the great confidence you have in one of your co-workers. It is a great honour and a great responsibility. I am grateful for the honour, and crave your support in shouldering the responsibility. I am confident that the fulness of your confidence in me will be a measure of the fulness of the support that I shall continue to receive. 
 
“I am a Musalman and am proud of that fact. Islam's splendid traditions of thirteen hundred years are my inheritance. I am unwilling to lose even the smallest part of this inheritance. The teaching and history of Islam, its arts and letters and civilisation, are my wealth and my fortune. It is my duty to protect them.

“As a Musalman I have a special interest in Islamic religion and culture, and I cannot tolerate any interference with them. But in addition to these sentiments, I have others also which the realities and conditions of my life have forced upon me. The spirit of Islam does not come in the way of these sentiments; it guides and helps me forward.

“I am proud of being an Indian. I am a part of the indivisible unity that is Indian nationality. I am indispensable to this noble edifice, and without me this splendid structure of India is incomplete. I am an essential element which has gone to build India. I can never surrender this claim.

“It was India's historic destiny that many human races and cultures and religions should flow to her, finding a home in her hospitable soil, and that many a caravan should find rest here. Even before the dawn of history, these caravans trekked into India, and wave after wave of newcomers followed. This vast and fertile land gave welcome to all, and took them to her bosom. One of the last of these caravans, following the footsteps of its predecessors, was that of the followers of Islam. This came here and settled here for good.

“This led to a meeting of the culture-currents of two different races. Like the Ganga and Jumna, they flowed for a while through separate courses, but nature's immutable law brought them together and joined them in a sangam. This fusion was a notable event in history. Since then, destiny, in her own hidden way, began to fashion a new India in place of the old. We brought our treasures with us, and India too was full of the riches of her own precious heritage. We gave our wealth to her, and she unlocked the doors of her own treasures to us. We gave her what she needed most, the most precious of gifts from Islam's treasury, the message of democracy and human equality.

“Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands. of years, Islam also has been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of India, namely Christianity.

“Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands. of years, Islam also has been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of India, namely Christianity.

“Eleven hundred years of common history have enriched India with our common achievement. Our languages, our poetry, our literature, our culture, our art, our dress, our manners and customs, the innumerable happenings of our daily life, everything bears the stamp of our joint endeavour. There is indeed no aspect of our life which has escaped this stamp. Our languages were different, but we grew to use a common language; our manners and customs were dissimilar, but they acted and reacted on each other, and thus produced a new synthesis. Our old dress may be seen only in ancient pictures of bygone days; no one wears it today.

“This joint wealth is the heritage of our common nationality, and we do not want to leave it and go back to the times when this joint life had not begun. If there are any Hindus amongst us who desire to bring back the Hindu life of a thousand years ago and more, they dream, and such dreams are vain fantasies. So also if there are any Muslims who wish to revive their past civilization and culture, which they brought a thousand years ago from Iran and Central Asia, they dream also, and the sooner they wake up the better. These are unnatural fancies which cannot take root in the soil of reality. I am one of those who believe that revival may be a necessity in a religion but in social matters it is a denial of progress.

“This thousand years of our joint life has moulded us into a common nationality. This cannot be done artificially. Nature does her fashioning through her hidden processes in the course of centuries. The cast has now been moulded and destiny has set her seal upon it. Whether we like it or not, we have now become an Indian nation, united and indivisible. No fantasy or artificial scheming to separate and divide can break this unity. We must accept the logic of fact and history, and engage ourselves in the fashioning of our future destiny. 


Conclusion
“I shall not take any more of your time. My address must end now. But before I do so, permit me to remind you that our success depends upon three factors: unity, discipline, and full confidence in Mahatma Gandhi's leadership. The glorious past record of our movement was due to his great leadership, and it is only under his leadership that we can look forward to a future of successful achievement.
The time of our trial is upon us. We have already focussed the world's attention. Let us endeavour to prove ourselves worthy. “
 
(Source: Congress Presidential Addresses, Volume Five: 1940-1985, ed. by A. M. Zaidi (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Applied Political Research, 1985), pp. 17-38)

The Musalmans and a United Nation-India

First published on: 11 Nov 2016

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

Today, November 11 is the 128th Birth Anniversary of Maulana Azad. In 1992 he was posthumously awarded India's highest civilian award, the Bharat Ratna. He was 70 years when he passed away on February 22, 1958.

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was twice elected President of the Indian National Congress, in 1923 and again in 1940. This excerpt from his historic address made at the Ramgarh Session of the grand old party are soul searching on the observations on the minorities and the syncretic fusion of religions on the sub-continent. The rest of the address may be read here.
 
“In 1923 you elected me President of this National Assembly. For the second time, after seventeen years, you have once again conferred upon me the same honour. Seventeen years is not a long period in the history of national struggles. But now the pace of events and world change is so rapid that our old standards no longer apply. During these last seventeen years we have passed through many stages, one after another. We had a long journey before us, and it was inevitable that we should pass through several stages.

“We rested at many a point no doubt, but never stopped. We surveyed and examined every prospect; but we were not ensnared by it, and passed on. We faced many ups and downs, but always our faces were turned towards the goal. The world may have doubted nur intentions and determination, but we never had a moment's doubt. Our path was full of difficulties, and at every step we were faced with great obstacles. It may be that we did not proceed as rapidly as we desired, but we did not flinch from marching forward.

“If we look back upon the period between 1923 and 1940, 1923 will appear to us a faded landmark in the distance. In 1923 we desired to reach our goal; but the goal was so distant then that even the milestones were hidden from our eyes. Raise your eyes today and look ahead. Not only do you see the milestones clearly, but the goal itself is not distant. But this is evident: that nearer we get to the goal, the more intense does our struggle become. Although the rapid march of events has taken us farther from our old landmark and brought us nearer our goal, yet it has created new troubles and difficulties for us. Today our caravan is passing a very critical stage. The essential difficulty of such a critical period lies in its conflicting possibilities. It is very probable that a correct step may bring us very near our goal; and on the other hand, a false step may land us in fresh troubles and difficulties.

“At such a critical juncture you have elected me President, and thus demonstrated the great confidence you have in one of your co-workers. It is a great honour and a great responsibility. I am grateful for the honour, and crave your support in shouldering the responsibility. I am confident that the fulness of your confidence in me will be a measure of the fulness of the support that I shall continue to receive. 
 
“I am a Musalman and am proud of that fact. Islam's splendid traditions of thirteen hundred years are my inheritance. I am unwilling to lose even the smallest part of this inheritance. The teaching and history of Islam, its arts and letters and civilisation, are my wealth and my fortune. It is my duty to protect them.

“As a Musalman I have a special interest in Islamic religion and culture, and I cannot tolerate any interference with them. But in addition to these sentiments, I have others also which the realities and conditions of my life have forced upon me. The spirit of Islam does not come in the way of these sentiments; it guides and helps me forward.

“I am proud of being an Indian. I am a part of the indivisible unity that is Indian nationality. I am indispensable to this noble edifice, and without me this splendid structure of India is incomplete. I am an essential element which has gone to build India. I can never surrender this claim.

“It was India's historic destiny that many human races and cultures and religions should flow to her, finding a home in her hospitable soil, and that many a caravan should find rest here. Even before the dawn of history, these caravans trekked into India, and wave after wave of newcomers followed. This vast and fertile land gave welcome to all, and took them to her bosom. One of the last of these caravans, following the footsteps of its predecessors, was that of the followers of Islam. This came here and settled here for good.

“This led to a meeting of the culture-currents of two different races. Like the Ganga and Jumna, they flowed for a while through separate courses, but nature's immutable law brought them together and joined them in a sangam. This fusion was a notable event in history. Since then, destiny, in her own hidden way, began to fashion a new India in place of the old. We brought our treasures with us, and India too was full of the riches of her own precious heritage. We gave our wealth to her, and she unlocked the doors of her own treasures to us. We gave her what she needed most, the most precious of gifts from Islam's treasury, the message of democracy and human equality.

“Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands. of years, Islam also has been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of India, namely Christianity.

“Full eleven centuries have passed by since then. Islam has now as great a claim on the soil of India as Hinduism. If Hinduism has been the religion of the people here for several thousands. of years, Islam also has been their religion for a thousand years. Just as a Hindu can say with pride that he is an Indian and follows Hinduism, so also we can say with equal pride that we are Indians and follow Islam. I shall enlarge this orbit still further. The Indian Christian is equally entitled to say with pride that he is an Indian and is following a religion of India, namely Christianity.

“Eleven hundred years of common history have enriched India with our common achievement. Our languages, our poetry, our literature, our culture, our art, our dress, our manners and customs, the innumerable happenings of our daily life, everything bears the stamp of our joint endeavour. There is indeed no aspect of our life which has escaped this stamp. Our languages were different, but we grew to use a common language; our manners and customs were dissimilar, but they acted and reacted on each other, and thus produced a new synthesis. Our old dress may be seen only in ancient pictures of bygone days; no one wears it today.

“This joint wealth is the heritage of our common nationality, and we do not want to leave it and go back to the times when this joint life had not begun. If there are any Hindus amongst us who desire to bring back the Hindu life of a thousand years ago and more, they dream, and such dreams are vain fantasies. So also if there are any Muslims who wish to revive their past civilization and culture, which they brought a thousand years ago from Iran and Central Asia, they dream also, and the sooner they wake up the better. These are unnatural fancies which cannot take root in the soil of reality. I am one of those who believe that revival may be a necessity in a religion but in social matters it is a denial of progress.

“This thousand years of our joint life has moulded us into a common nationality. This cannot be done artificially. Nature does her fashioning through her hidden processes in the course of centuries. The cast has now been moulded and destiny has set her seal upon it. Whether we like it or not, we have now become an Indian nation, united and indivisible. No fantasy or artificial scheming to separate and divide can break this unity. We must accept the logic of fact and history, and engage ourselves in the fashioning of our future destiny. 


Conclusion
“I shall not take any more of your time. My address must end now. But before I do so, permit me to remind you that our success depends upon three factors: unity, discipline, and full confidence in Mahatma Gandhi's leadership. The glorious past record of our movement was due to his great leadership, and it is only under his leadership that we can look forward to a future of successful achievement.
The time of our trial is upon us. We have already focussed the world's attention. Let us endeavour to prove ourselves worthy. “
 
(Source: Congress Presidential Addresses, Volume Five: 1940-1985, ed. by A. M. Zaidi (New Delhi: Indian Institute of Applied Political Research, 1985), pp. 17-38)

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Did the RSS defy Madras HC order in carrying out rallies?

RSS was miffed with HC order which had granted permission for the rallies with certain restrictions, yet it carried out rallies in 3 districts

07 Nov 2022

RSSImage: ANI
 

Amidst heavy police deployment, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on November 6, carried out its rallies at three locations-Cuddalore, Kallakurichi and Perambalur districts of Tamil Nadu, reported ANI. Some pictures of these rallies in the ANI reports showed some members holding lathis and the rallies were carried out in the streets, both of which were restricted by the Madras High Court’s November 4 order.

 

 

The right-wing outfit had sought permission to carry out rallies in 50 places, which was denied by the state police however, the Madras High Court had  allowed the same in 44 places. Yet, the RSS was irked by the High Court’s November 4 order for the limitations it placed on carrying out the rallies which led them to declare that they would cancel the rallies altogether. “Why would we organize marches across the state if we can’t hold it on the street and if we can’t carry lathis?” a senior RSS leader in Tamil Nadu had commented.

The High Court bench of Justice G K Ilanthiraiyan, while giving permission to hold the rallies in 44 places imposed the following restrictions:

i.                 The procession and public meetings should be conducted in a compounded premises such as Ground or Stadium. It is made clear that while proceeding to conduct procession and public meeting, the participants shall go by walk or by their respective vehicles without causing any hindrance to the general public and traffic.

ii.                During the program, nobody shall either sing songs or speak ill on any individuals, any caste, religion, etc.,

iii.               Those who participate in the program shall not for any reason talk or express anything in favour of organizations banned by Government of India. They should also not indulge in any act disturbing the sovereignty and integrity of our country.

iv.               The program should be conducted without causing any hindrance to public or traffic.

v.                The participants shall not bring any stick, lathi or weapon that may cause injury to any one...

              ... ix.           In the procession, the processionists shall not by any manner                   offend the sentiments of any

 religious, linguistics, cultural and other groups.

The court’s order may be read here:

On November 6,  more than 2000 policemen and home guards including Kanchipuram Range DIG Satya Priya, Cuddalore, Chengalpattu, Tirupattur, District Superintendents of Police, and 3 Additional Superintendents of Police, 12 Deputy Superintendents of Police, over 100 Police Inspectors and Assistant Inspectors were deployed for security, reported ANI.

There has been a lot of back and forth that has led to these RSS marches since the state police was denying permission for the same across the state citing law and order issues due to the banning of Popular Front of India (PFI) to be a terrorist organization. When RSS went to court, it had initially planned to hold the rallies on October 2, however, the same had to be cancelled due to denial of permission, despite the Madras High Court allowing the same. RSS then filed a contempt of court petition and the November 4 order was a consequence of the same.

RSS training in public school?

In October, a video was circulating on social media of a group of men reportedly belonging to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) conducting training within the premises of a corporation (civic body) school at RS Puram near Coimbatore. The RSS claimed it did not conduct any training inside the school and the volunteers were involved only in cleaning activity.

Commissioner of the Coimbatore Corporation, M Prathap told the Indian Express that the civic body does not grant permission for any social, political or religious gathering in schools and also added that it is investigating the incident. He added that the school headmaster was sent a show cause notice in connection to the incident.

Related:

RSS training in corporation school, Coimbatore after push for multiple rallies across Tamil Nadu

Communalising Icons by the BJP takes on a new dimension in Karnataka

Madras HC directs TN Police to give permission to RSS march on Oct 2

Did the RSS defy Madras HC order in carrying out rallies?

RSS was miffed with HC order which had granted permission for the rallies with certain restrictions, yet it carried out rallies in 3 districts

RSSImage: ANI
 

Amidst heavy police deployment, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on November 6, carried out its rallies at three locations-Cuddalore, Kallakurichi and Perambalur districts of Tamil Nadu, reported ANI. Some pictures of these rallies in the ANI reports showed some members holding lathis and the rallies were carried out in the streets, both of which were restricted by the Madras High Court’s November 4 order.

 

 

The right-wing outfit had sought permission to carry out rallies in 50 places, which was denied by the state police however, the Madras High Court had  allowed the same in 44 places. Yet, the RSS was irked by the High Court’s November 4 order for the limitations it placed on carrying out the rallies which led them to declare that they would cancel the rallies altogether. “Why would we organize marches across the state if we can’t hold it on the street and if we can’t carry lathis?” a senior RSS leader in Tamil Nadu had commented.

The High Court bench of Justice G K Ilanthiraiyan, while giving permission to hold the rallies in 44 places imposed the following restrictions:

i.                 The procession and public meetings should be conducted in a compounded premises such as Ground or Stadium. It is made clear that while proceeding to conduct procession and public meeting, the participants shall go by walk or by their respective vehicles without causing any hindrance to the general public and traffic.

ii.                During the program, nobody shall either sing songs or speak ill on any individuals, any caste, religion, etc.,

iii.               Those who participate in the program shall not for any reason talk or express anything in favour of organizations banned by Government of India. They should also not indulge in any act disturbing the sovereignty and integrity of our country.

iv.               The program should be conducted without causing any hindrance to public or traffic.

v.                The participants shall not bring any stick, lathi or weapon that may cause injury to any one...

              ... ix.           In the procession, the processionists shall not by any manner                   offend the sentiments of any

 religious, linguistics, cultural and other groups.

The court’s order may be read here:

On November 6,  more than 2000 policemen and home guards including Kanchipuram Range DIG Satya Priya, Cuddalore, Chengalpattu, Tirupattur, District Superintendents of Police, and 3 Additional Superintendents of Police, 12 Deputy Superintendents of Police, over 100 Police Inspectors and Assistant Inspectors were deployed for security, reported ANI.

There has been a lot of back and forth that has led to these RSS marches since the state police was denying permission for the same across the state citing law and order issues due to the banning of Popular Front of India (PFI) to be a terrorist organization. When RSS went to court, it had initially planned to hold the rallies on October 2, however, the same had to be cancelled due to denial of permission, despite the Madras High Court allowing the same. RSS then filed a contempt of court petition and the November 4 order was a consequence of the same.

RSS training in public school?

In October, a video was circulating on social media of a group of men reportedly belonging to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) conducting training within the premises of a corporation (civic body) school at RS Puram near Coimbatore. The RSS claimed it did not conduct any training inside the school and the volunteers were involved only in cleaning activity.

Commissioner of the Coimbatore Corporation, M Prathap told the Indian Express that the civic body does not grant permission for any social, political or religious gathering in schools and also added that it is investigating the incident. He added that the school headmaster was sent a show cause notice in connection to the incident.

Related:

RSS training in corporation school, Coimbatore after push for multiple rallies across Tamil Nadu

Communalising Icons by the BJP takes on a new dimension in Karnataka

Madras HC directs TN Police to give permission to RSS march on Oct 2

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Gauri Lankesh Assassination: Accused denied bail by Aurangabad HC

Justice Suraj Govindaraj rejected the plea stating that the case's charge sheet had already been filed before the accused was arrested

26 Oct 2022

gauri murder
 

On October 21, the High Court of Karnataka denied "default bail" to an accused in the murder of renowned journalist Gauri Lankesh. The accused, a businessman from Aurangabad, Maharashtra had sought to challenge the lower court ruling on the issue. Hrishikesh Devdikar, a businessman from Aurangabad of Maharashtra had been detained and placed in judicial custody in January 2020. Later, he submitted an application to the Special court for "statutory/default bail" under section 167(2) of the Criminal Procedure Code.

Devdikar claimed that no supplementary charge sheet was filed against him even 90 days after his arrest before the high court. However, the petitioner fled and was impossible to nab throughout the investigation, according to the special public prosecutor. The SPP reports that several new charge sheets have been submitted in the case. He noted that the petitioner was named in the initial charge sheet from 2018—even before the arrest. The court therefore rejected the statutory bail application of the accused. Pursuant to this, he appealed to the High Court to challenge he lower court’s order.

On October 21, Justice Suraj Govindaraj dismissed the plea, finding that the charge sheet had already been filed when the accused was detained. Therefore,he found the accused not eligible for seeking reliefs under Section 167 of the CrPC, subsection (2).

“An accused would not be entitled to the benefit under Subsection (2) of Section 167 of CrPC, in the event of charges sheet having already been filed before his arrest,” the judge said.

“I am of the considered opinion that in the present case, charge sheet having been laid against the petitioner even prior to the arrest of the petitioner, the petitioner having been arraigned as an accused and charged with certain offence, I am of the considered opinion that the benefit of Subsection (2) of Section 167 of CrPc would not arise,” he added.

“In my considered opinion as dealt with hereinabove, the fact of the accused absconding or delaying the investigation during the period of he being absconding would not be relevant for consideration of application Subsection (2) of Section 167 of CrPC,” the court further noted.

Background of the case:

Gauri Lankesh was highly respected for not only her fearless journalism, but also her work in advocating communal harmony, the rights of women, and persons from historically oppressed communities. Her killers, all allegedly affiliated to different right wing extremist organisations, wanted to silence her for her secular views and her stand against hardline groups that spread communal hate.

The trial in her assassination case began on July 4 before a special Karnataka Control of Organised Crime Act (KCOCA) court. As per directions of Special Judge CM Joshi, hearings take place every second week of the month for five days. Hearings are all set to resume this month.

Gauri’s sister Kavitha Lankesh who is a poet and filmmaker was one of the first people to testify in the case. Other witnesses who have testified so far include a cable operator who arrived at the spot shortly after Gauri Lankesh’s assassination, a neighbour who saw the shooters fleeing the spot, a witness who told the court about a meeting between some of the accused, a forensic science lab technician and a police officer.

The probe, the chargesheet and the arrests:  The probe was conducted by the Karnataka Special Investigation Team (SIT) who filed two chargesheets. The primary charge sheet was filed against KT Naveen Kumar, a 37-year-old member of the Hindu Yuva Sena on May 30, 2018. On November 23, 2018 the supplementary charge sheet running into 9,235 pages was filed. 18 people were named in the charge sheet, including alleged shooter Parashuram Waghmare, and alleged masterminds Amol Kale, Sujith Kumar alias Praveen and Amit Digwekar. It was in this charge sheet that the Sanatan Sanstha was mentioned for the first time. So far, 17 people have been arrested while one of the accused remains absconding.

According to the Karnataka Special Investigation Team) SIT, the plot to kill Lankesh was hatched a year before the assassination. Amol Kale, a former Hindu Janjagruti Samiti (HJS) convener, allegedly hired killer Parshuram Waghmare. Waghamare was allegedly a member of the Sri Ram Sene. Kale took him to an isolated spot in Khanapur, Belgaum to practice using an air pistol. Waghmare allegedly did a recce of Lankesh’s house in Rajarajeshwari Nagar in July 2017. On September 5, he and another back-up gunman Ganesh Miskin arrived outside Lankesh’s house on a black motorcycle. Waghmare fired four times at Lankesh and the duo fled the scene.

However, the group responsible came together in 2010-11 suggesting that this was a wider conspiracy planned over a longer period aiming to eliminate more rationalists, journalists and activists. In a press release the SIT had said, “The investigation so far has revealed that all the 18 accused are active members of an organised crime syndicate. This syndicate was formed in 2010-11, under the leadership of Virendra Tawade alias Bade Bhaisaab. One former editor of ‘Sanatan Prabhat’ provided financial support to this syndicate. The members of this organisation targeted people who they identified to be inimical to their belief and ideology. The members strictly followed the guidelines and principles mentioned in ‘Kshatra Dharma Sadhana’, a book published by Sanatan Sanstha.” The statement further added, “In August 2016, in a meeting of the syndicate, the main members identified Ms. Lankesh as a “durjan” as told in the ‘Kshatra Dharma Sadhana’, based on her speeches and writings. They jointly hatched a conspiracy to murder her.”

On March 2, 2018, the SIT arested right-wing activist K. T. Naveen Kumar, of Maddur, who in 2015 founded the Hindu Yuva Sene. Kumar who reportedly confessed to Lankesh’s murder had previously been arrested in February 2018 in relation to a case involving illegal arms. Kumar allegedly obtained the bullets that were used to kill Gauri Lankesh, and that he allegedly supplied logistical support to her killers and directed them to her residence and office in Bengaluru.

In late May 2018, the SIT arrested four more people with ties to right-wing group Sanatan Sanstha for a January 2018 conspiracy to kill K. S. Bhagwan. The four individuals also had ties to Sanatan Sanstha’s sister outfit, the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS), and were also connected to Kumar, in 2017 had attended multiple HJS meetings. They were Amol Kale alias Bhaisab, an HJS activist from Maharashtra, Amit Degwekar alias Pradeep, a Sanatan Sanstha activist from Goa, Manohar Edave of Karnataka, and Sujeet Kumar alias Praveen, an activist with Sanatan Sanstha and the HJS from Mangalore.

On June 11, 2018 the sixth accused in the case, 26-year-old Parashuram Waghmare, was arrested. On Thursday, June 14, police reportedly interrogated Waghmare and the previously arrested Amol Kale. Waghmare had allegedly claimed that Kale instructed him to carry out the killing, and gave him a country-made pistol.

Sharad Kalaskar was arrested on August 10, 2018 by the Maharashtra Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS) after a tip off from the Karnataka Special Investigation Team (SIT) which was probing the Gauri Lankesh murder case. The ATS claims that Kalaskar was also one of the two gunmen who shot and killed Narendra Dabholkar in August 2013. According to the ATS, the weapon used to kill Gauri Lankesh and other rationalists was also procured and manufactured by Kalaskar.

A note on how to make bombs was also recovered from him. Kalaskar was arrested along with Vaibhav Raut and Sudhanwa Gondhalekar from the Nallasopara home of Raut who is the convener of the Hindu Govansh Raksha Samiti. 20 crude bombs and two gelatin sheets were recovered during this raid. Meanwhile, Gondhalekar is a member of Shiv Shivapratishthan Hindustan, an organisation run by none other than Shambhaji Bhide, one of the two main accused in the Bhima Koregaon violence.

In July 2019, Uma Devi, wife of slain rationalist MM Kalburgi identified the gunman who shot her husband. Earlier the SIT had arrested Praveen Chatur, a Belgavi resident who had allegedly ferried this gunman in the Kalburgi murder. While police had initially suspected Amit Baddi, a friend of Ganesh Miskin, of being the biker, sketches prepared by police artists did not match eye witness descriptions. When the SIT probed the matter again, interrogation of Amol Kale pointed them towards Chatur. Chatur was also wanted in a petrol bomb attack on a theater screening Padmavat in Belgavi in January. He has now turned state’s witness in the Gauri Lankesh case. In his statement he has reportedly admitted to attending training camps in Jalna and Mangaluru.

Rishikesh Dewarkar was the last one to be arrested in the case so far. Dewarkar who also went by the alias Rajesh was arrested from Katras town in Dhanbad district of Jharkhand in January 2020. He had been on the run ever since the assassination and had been laying low, working at a petrol pump in Katras for several months under an assumed identity.

Proceedings at previous hearings: As SabrangIndia had reported previously, Gauri Lankesh’s sister Kavita Lankesh, who is a filmmaker and poet, made her statement before the court when the hearings began on July 4, and said that just days before her murder, Gauri Lankesh had seen some men “loitering suspiciously” near her home in Bengaluru. She also said that it was she who discovered Gauri’s bullet ridden body in a pool of blood.

But the counsel for the defence wanted to spin an entirely different narrative. During her cross examination, Kavita was asked about family feuds instead. She was also asked about Gauri’s alleged “Naxalite connections”. At one point the defence counsel also mentioned Gauri Lankesh’s connections to the activists who have been dubbed the “tukde-tukde gang”, namely Jignesh Mewani and Kanhaiya Kumar. But this line of questioning was shot down by the court.

In July, the court also examined other witnesses including a cable operator who had been called to rectify the cable in Lankesh’s home, but found her dead outside her door instead. Another eye-witness, a mason whose wife was employed as a security guard in the building opposite Lankesh’s residence was also examined. He told the court, he heard gun shots when he came back home from work that day, and rushed to the spot, reported The New Indian Express

When the hearing ended on July 8, the counsel for the accused told the court that they had not been given footage from CCTV cameras outside Lankesh’s residence yet. It was this footage that had helped the Special Investigation Team (SIT) to identify and apprehend the shooters. On Monday, July 18, the Special Public Prosecutor handed over the footage from two CCTV cameras outside slain journalist Gauri Lankesh’s house to the legal team of the accused. 

In August, four witnessed deposed before the court. A neighbour (names of witnesses withheld as per directions of the court) of Lankesh testified that he was cooking at home when he heard the gunshots. Times of India quoted excerpts from his testimony: “I ran to the front door and opened it. When I was near the gate, I saw two men riding away on a black Passion Pro motorbike in Subhash Park direction. The rider and the pillion were wearing full-face helmets.” The neighbour also identified the bike used by the assailants that had been seized by the police. He told the court that when he and his roommate rushed outside the bike borne assassins fled, but that’s when a cable operator arrived. This is the same cable operator who had deposed before the court previously.

Another witness told the court that he had met key accused KT Naveen Kumar (A-17) at a park in Vijayanagar, and that two of the accused – Naveen Kumar and Sujith Kumar – had discussed a plan to murder the journalist, reported Hindustan Times.

Other witnesses to depose before the court included a woman staffer from a lab in Shantinagar and two policemen. The lab technician told the court that the police had given them CCTV footage on a DVR on September 6, and the lab downloaded the visuals and returned the DVR the same day.

Another witness to depose before the court was Head constable Shivaswamy H, who reportedly told the court that it was “police inspector Shiva Reddy took a written statement from Kavita Lankesh at the spot” and then gave it to him. He then handed it to sub inspector Laxman who drafted the First Information Report (FIR).

 

Related:

Gauri Lankesh case: Neighbour identifies bike used by shooters

Gauri Lankesh case: Hearings to resume before KCOCA Court today

Gauri Lankesh case: CCTV footage shared with counsel for the accused

Gauri Lankesh case: Why is the Defence harping on alleged “Naxalite connections”, family fued?

Gauri Lankesh case: SC restores KCOCA charges against Mohan Nayak

Gauri Lankesh case: SC reserves order on plea to keep KCOCA charges against accused

Gauri Lankesh case: SC to decide on keeping KCOCA charges against accused

Gauri Lankesh case: CJP assists sister Kavitha move SC

Gauri Lankesh Assassination: Accused denied bail by Aurangabad HC

Justice Suraj Govindaraj rejected the plea stating that the case's charge sheet had already been filed before the accused was arrested

gauri murder
 

On October 21, the High Court of Karnataka denied "default bail" to an accused in the murder of renowned journalist Gauri Lankesh. The accused, a businessman from Aurangabad, Maharashtra had sought to challenge the lower court ruling on the issue. Hrishikesh Devdikar, a businessman from Aurangabad of Maharashtra had been detained and placed in judicial custody in January 2020. Later, he submitted an application to the Special court for "statutory/default bail" under section 167(2) of the Criminal Procedure Code.

Devdikar claimed that no supplementary charge sheet was filed against him even 90 days after his arrest before the high court. However, the petitioner fled and was impossible to nab throughout the investigation, according to the special public prosecutor. The SPP reports that several new charge sheets have been submitted in the case. He noted that the petitioner was named in the initial charge sheet from 2018—even before the arrest. The court therefore rejected the statutory bail application of the accused. Pursuant to this, he appealed to the High Court to challenge he lower court’s order.

On October 21, Justice Suraj Govindaraj dismissed the plea, finding that the charge sheet had already been filed when the accused was detained. Therefore,he found the accused not eligible for seeking reliefs under Section 167 of the CrPC, subsection (2).

“An accused would not be entitled to the benefit under Subsection (2) of Section 167 of CrPC, in the event of charges sheet having already been filed before his arrest,” the judge said.

“I am of the considered opinion that in the present case, charge sheet having been laid against the petitioner even prior to the arrest of the petitioner, the petitioner having been arraigned as an accused and charged with certain offence, I am of the considered opinion that the benefit of Subsection (2) of Section 167 of CrPc would not arise,” he added.

“In my considered opinion as dealt with hereinabove, the fact of the accused absconding or delaying the investigation during the period of he being absconding would not be relevant for consideration of application Subsection (2) of Section 167 of CrPC,” the court further noted.

Background of the case:

Gauri Lankesh was highly respected for not only her fearless journalism, but also her work in advocating communal harmony, the rights of women, and persons from historically oppressed communities. Her killers, all allegedly affiliated to different right wing extremist organisations, wanted to silence her for her secular views and her stand against hardline groups that spread communal hate.

The trial in her assassination case began on July 4 before a special Karnataka Control of Organised Crime Act (KCOCA) court. As per directions of Special Judge CM Joshi, hearings take place every second week of the month for five days. Hearings are all set to resume this month.

Gauri’s sister Kavitha Lankesh who is a poet and filmmaker was one of the first people to testify in the case. Other witnesses who have testified so far include a cable operator who arrived at the spot shortly after Gauri Lankesh’s assassination, a neighbour who saw the shooters fleeing the spot, a witness who told the court about a meeting between some of the accused, a forensic science lab technician and a police officer.

The probe, the chargesheet and the arrests:  The probe was conducted by the Karnataka Special Investigation Team (SIT) who filed two chargesheets. The primary charge sheet was filed against KT Naveen Kumar, a 37-year-old member of the Hindu Yuva Sena on May 30, 2018. On November 23, 2018 the supplementary charge sheet running into 9,235 pages was filed. 18 people were named in the charge sheet, including alleged shooter Parashuram Waghmare, and alleged masterminds Amol Kale, Sujith Kumar alias Praveen and Amit Digwekar. It was in this charge sheet that the Sanatan Sanstha was mentioned for the first time. So far, 17 people have been arrested while one of the accused remains absconding.

According to the Karnataka Special Investigation Team) SIT, the plot to kill Lankesh was hatched a year before the assassination. Amol Kale, a former Hindu Janjagruti Samiti (HJS) convener, allegedly hired killer Parshuram Waghmare. Waghamare was allegedly a member of the Sri Ram Sene. Kale took him to an isolated spot in Khanapur, Belgaum to practice using an air pistol. Waghmare allegedly did a recce of Lankesh’s house in Rajarajeshwari Nagar in July 2017. On September 5, he and another back-up gunman Ganesh Miskin arrived outside Lankesh’s house on a black motorcycle. Waghmare fired four times at Lankesh and the duo fled the scene.

However, the group responsible came together in 2010-11 suggesting that this was a wider conspiracy planned over a longer period aiming to eliminate more rationalists, journalists and activists. In a press release the SIT had said, “The investigation so far has revealed that all the 18 accused are active members of an organised crime syndicate. This syndicate was formed in 2010-11, under the leadership of Virendra Tawade alias Bade Bhaisaab. One former editor of ‘Sanatan Prabhat’ provided financial support to this syndicate. The members of this organisation targeted people who they identified to be inimical to their belief and ideology. The members strictly followed the guidelines and principles mentioned in ‘Kshatra Dharma Sadhana’, a book published by Sanatan Sanstha.” The statement further added, “In August 2016, in a meeting of the syndicate, the main members identified Ms. Lankesh as a “durjan” as told in the ‘Kshatra Dharma Sadhana’, based on her speeches and writings. They jointly hatched a conspiracy to murder her.”

On March 2, 2018, the SIT arested right-wing activist K. T. Naveen Kumar, of Maddur, who in 2015 founded the Hindu Yuva Sene. Kumar who reportedly confessed to Lankesh’s murder had previously been arrested in February 2018 in relation to a case involving illegal arms. Kumar allegedly obtained the bullets that were used to kill Gauri Lankesh, and that he allegedly supplied logistical support to her killers and directed them to her residence and office in Bengaluru.

In late May 2018, the SIT arrested four more people with ties to right-wing group Sanatan Sanstha for a January 2018 conspiracy to kill K. S. Bhagwan. The four individuals also had ties to Sanatan Sanstha’s sister outfit, the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS), and were also connected to Kumar, in 2017 had attended multiple HJS meetings. They were Amol Kale alias Bhaisab, an HJS activist from Maharashtra, Amit Degwekar alias Pradeep, a Sanatan Sanstha activist from Goa, Manohar Edave of Karnataka, and Sujeet Kumar alias Praveen, an activist with Sanatan Sanstha and the HJS from Mangalore.

On June 11, 2018 the sixth accused in the case, 26-year-old Parashuram Waghmare, was arrested. On Thursday, June 14, police reportedly interrogated Waghmare and the previously arrested Amol Kale. Waghmare had allegedly claimed that Kale instructed him to carry out the killing, and gave him a country-made pistol.

Sharad Kalaskar was arrested on August 10, 2018 by the Maharashtra Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS) after a tip off from the Karnataka Special Investigation Team (SIT) which was probing the Gauri Lankesh murder case. The ATS claims that Kalaskar was also one of the two gunmen who shot and killed Narendra Dabholkar in August 2013. According to the ATS, the weapon used to kill Gauri Lankesh and other rationalists was also procured and manufactured by Kalaskar.

A note on how to make bombs was also recovered from him. Kalaskar was arrested along with Vaibhav Raut and Sudhanwa Gondhalekar from the Nallasopara home of Raut who is the convener of the Hindu Govansh Raksha Samiti. 20 crude bombs and two gelatin sheets were recovered during this raid. Meanwhile, Gondhalekar is a member of Shiv Shivapratishthan Hindustan, an organisation run by none other than Shambhaji Bhide, one of the two main accused in the Bhima Koregaon violence.

In July 2019, Uma Devi, wife of slain rationalist MM Kalburgi identified the gunman who shot her husband. Earlier the SIT had arrested Praveen Chatur, a Belgavi resident who had allegedly ferried this gunman in the Kalburgi murder. While police had initially suspected Amit Baddi, a friend of Ganesh Miskin, of being the biker, sketches prepared by police artists did not match eye witness descriptions. When the SIT probed the matter again, interrogation of Amol Kale pointed them towards Chatur. Chatur was also wanted in a petrol bomb attack on a theater screening Padmavat in Belgavi in January. He has now turned state’s witness in the Gauri Lankesh case. In his statement he has reportedly admitted to attending training camps in Jalna and Mangaluru.

Rishikesh Dewarkar was the last one to be arrested in the case so far. Dewarkar who also went by the alias Rajesh was arrested from Katras town in Dhanbad district of Jharkhand in January 2020. He had been on the run ever since the assassination and had been laying low, working at a petrol pump in Katras for several months under an assumed identity.

Proceedings at previous hearings: As SabrangIndia had reported previously, Gauri Lankesh’s sister Kavita Lankesh, who is a filmmaker and poet, made her statement before the court when the hearings began on July 4, and said that just days before her murder, Gauri Lankesh had seen some men “loitering suspiciously” near her home in Bengaluru. She also said that it was she who discovered Gauri’s bullet ridden body in a pool of blood.

But the counsel for the defence wanted to spin an entirely different narrative. During her cross examination, Kavita was asked about family feuds instead. She was also asked about Gauri’s alleged “Naxalite connections”. At one point the defence counsel also mentioned Gauri Lankesh’s connections to the activists who have been dubbed the “tukde-tukde gang”, namely Jignesh Mewani and Kanhaiya Kumar. But this line of questioning was shot down by the court.

In July, the court also examined other witnesses including a cable operator who had been called to rectify the cable in Lankesh’s home, but found her dead outside her door instead. Another eye-witness, a mason whose wife was employed as a security guard in the building opposite Lankesh’s residence was also examined. He told the court, he heard gun shots when he came back home from work that day, and rushed to the spot, reported The New Indian Express

When the hearing ended on July 8, the counsel for the accused told the court that they had not been given footage from CCTV cameras outside Lankesh’s residence yet. It was this footage that had helped the Special Investigation Team (SIT) to identify and apprehend the shooters. On Monday, July 18, the Special Public Prosecutor handed over the footage from two CCTV cameras outside slain journalist Gauri Lankesh’s house to the legal team of the accused. 

In August, four witnessed deposed before the court. A neighbour (names of witnesses withheld as per directions of the court) of Lankesh testified that he was cooking at home when he heard the gunshots. Times of India quoted excerpts from his testimony: “I ran to the front door and opened it. When I was near the gate, I saw two men riding away on a black Passion Pro motorbike in Subhash Park direction. The rider and the pillion were wearing full-face helmets.” The neighbour also identified the bike used by the assailants that had been seized by the police. He told the court that when he and his roommate rushed outside the bike borne assassins fled, but that’s when a cable operator arrived. This is the same cable operator who had deposed before the court previously.

Another witness told the court that he had met key accused KT Naveen Kumar (A-17) at a park in Vijayanagar, and that two of the accused – Naveen Kumar and Sujith Kumar – had discussed a plan to murder the journalist, reported Hindustan Times.

Other witnesses to depose before the court included a woman staffer from a lab in Shantinagar and two policemen. The lab technician told the court that the police had given them CCTV footage on a DVR on September 6, and the lab downloaded the visuals and returned the DVR the same day.

Another witness to depose before the court was Head constable Shivaswamy H, who reportedly told the court that it was “police inspector Shiva Reddy took a written statement from Kavita Lankesh at the spot” and then gave it to him. He then handed it to sub inspector Laxman who drafted the First Information Report (FIR).

 

Related:

Gauri Lankesh case: Neighbour identifies bike used by shooters

Gauri Lankesh case: Hearings to resume before KCOCA Court today

Gauri Lankesh case: CCTV footage shared with counsel for the accused

Gauri Lankesh case: Why is the Defence harping on alleged “Naxalite connections”, family fued?

Gauri Lankesh case: SC restores KCOCA charges against Mohan Nayak

Gauri Lankesh case: SC reserves order on plea to keep KCOCA charges against accused

Gauri Lankesh case: SC to decide on keeping KCOCA charges against accused

Gauri Lankesh case: CJP assists sister Kavitha move SC

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Pack up your belongings: VHP leader to Maulvis in Manesar

Incident took place at Trishul Diksha ceremony at Manesar

17 Oct 2022

VHPImage courtesy: The Indian Express


In yet another instance of communally targeted speech at an event organized by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a speaker asked Maulvis (Muslim clerics) to “pack up their belongings”, hinting at an attempt to oust them from the region.

The incident occurred at a Trishul Diksha (trident distribution) ceremony organised by the VHP in Manesar, where VHP joint general secretary Surendra Jain reportedly made the remark in the presence of at least a hundred people including women and children, reported the Indian Express.

Jain was quoted by the publication as saying, “12-13 years ago, only three Muslim families had come to Bhora Kalan and sought permission to offer namaz at a land meant for grazing goats… there was an understanding that no maulvi or anyone from outside would come. But slowly, people from outside started coming… they took away bricks and tried to build a mosque. Koi apke ghar mein ghuskar masjid banaega, aap sweekar karoge? (Will you accept if anyone entered your home and built a mosque?)”

Jain was referring to the incident from a few days ago when a mob entered a mosque in Gurgaon’s Bhora Kalan area. According to him, the mosque, where renovation work was taking place, was actually engaging in an unauthorized expansion as part of a “land jihad” conspiracy.

He further said, “What happened in Bhora Kalan can happen tomorrow in Gurgaon, Manesar, Haryana and the country. They want to convert the whole nation… I want to congratulate the people of Bhora Kalan, who taught them a lesson.”

Jain then went on to target the Maulvis themselves saying, “I want to tell those maulvis, pack up your belongings or else the people of Manesar will not leave you… Ye Hindu rashtra tha, hai aur rahega. (This was a Hindu Rashtra and will remain so.)”

Jain also referred to punishment for people allegedly engaged in cow slaughter. He said, “In Mewat, cow slaughter is rampant, but police do not dare to take action. Unko saza dete hein, toh hamare Manesar ke Bajrangi… ghar mein ghus kar maarte hain. (They are punished by our Bajrangis from Manesar who enter their homes and beat them up.)”

He also tried to rile up listeners against namaaz, saying, “Ye namaz nahi fasad hai. Wo namaz nahi padna chahte, aatank failana chaahte hain. (It isn’t namaaz, it’s terrorism. They don’t want to offer namaaz, they want to spread terror.)”

It is noteworthy that this event comes exactly a week after another event, also organised by the VHP, where high ranking BJP leaders and Hindutva spiritual gurus had made a series of hate speeches. While BJP MP Parvesh Mishra called for a complete boycott of the minority community, and BJP MLA Nand Kishore Gurjar made disparaging remarks about mob lynching victim Mohammed Akhlaq of Dadri, Yogeshwar Acharya gave an open call to “chop off hands and heads” of Muslims, even as Mahant Naval Kishore encouraged people to bear guns – with or without licence.

Given the shocking impunity with which such hate speeches were made, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) moved the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) urging for their urgent intervention and demanding stringent action against all hate speech makers.

 

Related:

Hate Watch: Parvesh Verma calls for total boycott of a particular community

Hate Watch: Yogeshwar Acharya gives open call for targeted killing of minorities

Hate Watch: Did Nand Kishore Gurjar admit to role in North East Delhi riots?

Pack up your belongings: VHP leader to Maulvis in Manesar

Incident took place at Trishul Diksha ceremony at Manesar

VHPImage courtesy: The Indian Express


In yet another instance of communally targeted speech at an event organized by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a speaker asked Maulvis (Muslim clerics) to “pack up their belongings”, hinting at an attempt to oust them from the region.

The incident occurred at a Trishul Diksha (trident distribution) ceremony organised by the VHP in Manesar, where VHP joint general secretary Surendra Jain reportedly made the remark in the presence of at least a hundred people including women and children, reported the Indian Express.

Jain was quoted by the publication as saying, “12-13 years ago, only three Muslim families had come to Bhora Kalan and sought permission to offer namaz at a land meant for grazing goats… there was an understanding that no maulvi or anyone from outside would come. But slowly, people from outside started coming… they took away bricks and tried to build a mosque. Koi apke ghar mein ghuskar masjid banaega, aap sweekar karoge? (Will you accept if anyone entered your home and built a mosque?)”

Jain was referring to the incident from a few days ago when a mob entered a mosque in Gurgaon’s Bhora Kalan area. According to him, the mosque, where renovation work was taking place, was actually engaging in an unauthorized expansion as part of a “land jihad” conspiracy.

He further said, “What happened in Bhora Kalan can happen tomorrow in Gurgaon, Manesar, Haryana and the country. They want to convert the whole nation… I want to congratulate the people of Bhora Kalan, who taught them a lesson.”

Jain then went on to target the Maulvis themselves saying, “I want to tell those maulvis, pack up your belongings or else the people of Manesar will not leave you… Ye Hindu rashtra tha, hai aur rahega. (This was a Hindu Rashtra and will remain so.)”

Jain also referred to punishment for people allegedly engaged in cow slaughter. He said, “In Mewat, cow slaughter is rampant, but police do not dare to take action. Unko saza dete hein, toh hamare Manesar ke Bajrangi… ghar mein ghus kar maarte hain. (They are punished by our Bajrangis from Manesar who enter their homes and beat them up.)”

He also tried to rile up listeners against namaaz, saying, “Ye namaz nahi fasad hai. Wo namaz nahi padna chahte, aatank failana chaahte hain. (It isn’t namaaz, it’s terrorism. They don’t want to offer namaaz, they want to spread terror.)”

It is noteworthy that this event comes exactly a week after another event, also organised by the VHP, where high ranking BJP leaders and Hindutva spiritual gurus had made a series of hate speeches. While BJP MP Parvesh Mishra called for a complete boycott of the minority community, and BJP MLA Nand Kishore Gurjar made disparaging remarks about mob lynching victim Mohammed Akhlaq of Dadri, Yogeshwar Acharya gave an open call to “chop off hands and heads” of Muslims, even as Mahant Naval Kishore encouraged people to bear guns – with or without licence.

Given the shocking impunity with which such hate speeches were made, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) moved the National Commission for Minorities (NCM) urging for their urgent intervention and demanding stringent action against all hate speech makers.

 

Related:

Hate Watch: Parvesh Verma calls for total boycott of a particular community

Hate Watch: Yogeshwar Acharya gives open call for targeted killing of minorities

Hate Watch: Did Nand Kishore Gurjar admit to role in North East Delhi riots?

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Bajrang Dal storm Jammu college, “placated”

Trespassers claim Muslim students offered namaz on premises

11 Oct 2022

Bajrang Dal

Close to a dozen Bajrang Dal activists stormed the government ayurvedic college in Jammu on Saturday, October 8, claiming Muslim students were offering namaz on the premises, before being assured this wasn’t true and persuaded by police to leave. This incident has been reported by The Telegraph.

While there is no law against religious activities on campuses, the entire attitude or approach of college authorities’ seemed to be to placate the intruders by denying that namaz had been held on the premises.

The Bajrang Dal storm troopers claimed to have been tipped off by some parents, and objected to the purported namaz saying the campus was a public place.

Unlike in Uttar Pradesh — where sangh parivar activists had created a ruckus over namaz at a Lucknow mall — no government order in Jammu and Kashmir bans religious activities at public places.

It is quite common for Muslim students in Jammu and Kashmir to pray on campuses. The sangh parivar raid on the Government Ayurvedic College in Akhnoor has prompted many to ask whether the raiders were trying to do an Uttar Pradesh in the Muslim-majority Union Territory.

“This is Akhnoor, Jammu, and not UP. ‘Terrorists’ barged inside Ayurveda College to stop few Muslim students staying in hostel premises to offer prayers. Listen to the language,” People’s Democratic Party leader Firdous Tak wrote on Facebook.

A video flagged by the right-wing ecosystem shows mats and skullcaps scattered on a verandah around the campus but contains no visual of anyone offering namaz. It’s not clear who put the mats there.

Dr Shashi Sudhan, principal of the Government Medical College who also holds charge of the ayurvedic college, told The Telegraph: “There is zero per cent reality in it (namaz allegation). There was some miscommunication…. Everything is normal, amicable. I checked the CCTV footage and spoke to the students and faculty and found nothing of that sort happened.”

A staff member also said the police had arrived soon after the Bajrang Dal activists stormed the premises.“They (activists) wanted action against the college management and students but left the place after the police asked them to,” he said.

Social media is an ally with the aggressive right. In a video, a Bajrang Dal activist, Balkar Singh, is heard saying: “They (college management) are denying any such thing was happening inside. Tomorrow, somebody can plant a bomb inside and they will not know anything.”

February 2022, actions against Hiab in Jammu

Earlier this year, in February, Greater Kashmir had reported that the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal Saturday held a protest against Hijab in educational institutions of Jammu and Kashmir.They had demanded implementation of dress code in all educational institutions across the country including Jammu and Kashmir.

Led by their president, Rakesh Bajrangi, the protesters assembled here against the wearing of Hijab in educational institutions. “We have appealed to the Government of India to implement a dress code for all students in schools, colleges and universities,” Bajrangi said.

He had then said that the students should not be allowed to violate the dress code or do Hijab in educational institutions. “The government should strictly implement the same dress code in J&K,” Bajrangi said.

He also alleged former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti of trying to add fire to fuel with their social media posts.

Related

Karnataka: Bajrang Dal member killed, cops refute links to hijab row

Assam Bajrang Dal leader threatens Hindus going to Church on Christmas

Bajrang Dal storm Jammu college, “placated”

Trespassers claim Muslim students offered namaz on premises

Bajrang Dal

Close to a dozen Bajrang Dal activists stormed the government ayurvedic college in Jammu on Saturday, October 8, claiming Muslim students were offering namaz on the premises, before being assured this wasn’t true and persuaded by police to leave. This incident has been reported by The Telegraph.

While there is no law against religious activities on campuses, the entire attitude or approach of college authorities’ seemed to be to placate the intruders by denying that namaz had been held on the premises.

The Bajrang Dal storm troopers claimed to have been tipped off by some parents, and objected to the purported namaz saying the campus was a public place.

Unlike in Uttar Pradesh — where sangh parivar activists had created a ruckus over namaz at a Lucknow mall — no government order in Jammu and Kashmir bans religious activities at public places.

It is quite common for Muslim students in Jammu and Kashmir to pray on campuses. The sangh parivar raid on the Government Ayurvedic College in Akhnoor has prompted many to ask whether the raiders were trying to do an Uttar Pradesh in the Muslim-majority Union Territory.

“This is Akhnoor, Jammu, and not UP. ‘Terrorists’ barged inside Ayurveda College to stop few Muslim students staying in hostel premises to offer prayers. Listen to the language,” People’s Democratic Party leader Firdous Tak wrote on Facebook.

A video flagged by the right-wing ecosystem shows mats and skullcaps scattered on a verandah around the campus but contains no visual of anyone offering namaz. It’s not clear who put the mats there.

Dr Shashi Sudhan, principal of the Government Medical College who also holds charge of the ayurvedic college, told The Telegraph: “There is zero per cent reality in it (namaz allegation). There was some miscommunication…. Everything is normal, amicable. I checked the CCTV footage and spoke to the students and faculty and found nothing of that sort happened.”

A staff member also said the police had arrived soon after the Bajrang Dal activists stormed the premises.“They (activists) wanted action against the college management and students but left the place after the police asked them to,” he said.

Social media is an ally with the aggressive right. In a video, a Bajrang Dal activist, Balkar Singh, is heard saying: “They (college management) are denying any such thing was happening inside. Tomorrow, somebody can plant a bomb inside and they will not know anything.”

February 2022, actions against Hiab in Jammu

Earlier this year, in February, Greater Kashmir had reported that the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal Saturday held a protest against Hijab in educational institutions of Jammu and Kashmir.They had demanded implementation of dress code in all educational institutions across the country including Jammu and Kashmir.

Led by their president, Rakesh Bajrangi, the protesters assembled here against the wearing of Hijab in educational institutions. “We have appealed to the Government of India to implement a dress code for all students in schools, colleges and universities,” Bajrangi said.

He had then said that the students should not be allowed to violate the dress code or do Hijab in educational institutions. “The government should strictly implement the same dress code in J&K,” Bajrangi said.

He also alleged former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti of trying to add fire to fuel with their social media posts.

Related

Karnataka: Bajrang Dal member killed, cops refute links to hijab row

Assam Bajrang Dal leader threatens Hindus going to Church on Christmas

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RSS training in corporation school, Coimbatore after push for multiple rallies across Tamil Nadu

While the RSS ‘training’ at corporation school in Coimbatore sparks row, and a probe is ordered, the outfit is clearly trying to make its public presence felt in the state.

11 Oct 2022

RSS CampImage courtesy: The Indian Express - Tamil

A video that went ‘viral’ of a group of men reportedly belonging to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) conducting training within the premises of a corporation (civic body) school at RS Puram near Coimbatore on Sunday, October 9 has created yet another controversy in Tamil Nadu. The school headmaster has been sent a show cause notice. The RSS claimed it did not conduct any training inside the school and the volunteers were involved only in cleaning activity.

It was the members of Thanthai Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam (TPDK) that staged a protest in front of the school and raised slogans against corporation officials for allegedly providing permission for the RSS event, reported The Indian Express. Police personnel were deployed to prevent any untoward incident.

 

 

General secretary of the TPDK K Ramakrishnan, said: “The government should immediately take action against the concerned officials. The government should take measures to prevent such camps of RSS from taking place anywhere at corporation schools or public places in the future.” The issue was and is the grant of permission for such a training within the school.

Commissioner of the Coimbatore Corporation, M Prathap told the. Indian Express that the civic body does not grant permission for any social, political or religious gathering in schools and also added that it is investigating the incident. He added that the school headmaster was sent a show cause notice in connection to the incident.

 

 

Further, the RS Puram police registered a case against the people who allegedly trespassed into the school premises.

Meanwhile, the RSS, quick to have a defence, claimed it did not conduct any training inside the school. “No shakha (branch meeting) was held and the volunteers were involved only in cleaning activity and it is part of our annual seva event where volunteers clean public places and other institutions,” IE Tamil quoted an RSS member as saying.

RSS in Tamil Nadu

In fact, the past few weeks have seen several attempts by the RSS to establish itself in the public sphere within Dravidian Tamil Nadu. In fact, on October 2, to commemorate the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)  took out a massive rally in Puducherry.

A day after the Tamil Nadu government denied permission to the RSS to hold a rally on October 2, the Madras high court on Friday, September 30, said the rally can be held on November 6. The week before the high court had directed the state government to grant permission to the RSS to hold a rally on October 2. After the RSS was denied permission, despite the Madras High Court giving its nod for a rally, a contempt of court petition was moved. The petition was moved by Karthikeyan, joint secretary of RSS’s Thiruvallur unit, and hearing the same,

Widely reported in the media, including the Hindustan Times and the Indian Express, however, the government then approached the court, seeking a revision of the original order,  citing intelligence reports from central agencies indicating potential law and order problems. Meanwhile, the RSS’s Tiruvallur joint secretary R Karthikeyan also filed a contempt petition against officials and police for not granting permission for the rally despite the earlier court order.

The Madras high court finally directed Tamil Nadu police to grant permission to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for a march across 49 locations on November 6 and threatened to initiate contempt action against authorities if they violated the order.

A day before, on September 29, the state government had declined to grant permission for the march – initially scheduled for October 2 – even as a single judge bench of the court on September 22 gave its nod, with certain riders. October 2 is the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. The DMK-led state government refused to allow the march citing law-and-order concerns, in the wake of recent violence which erupted after the National Investigation Agency (NIA) raided the now-banned Popular Front of India (PFI) on September 22 and 27 and arrested several of its members.

Justice G K Ilanthiraiyan, who had passed the order on the rally last month, was listening to a contempt of court petition by R Karthikeyan, joint secretary of RSS’s Thiruvallur unit, on September 30, when it directed the state government and police to give permission and inform the court about the same by October 31. In his petition, Karthikeyan pointed out that denial of permission to hold the march was an act of contempt against the high court order.

If a decision is not taken or permission is not given, the court will take up the contempt application and proceed to pass orders, the judge warned.

“Your concern is with regard to October 2, which happens to be Gandhi Jayanthi day. In that case, the event can be allowed to take place on November 6,” the judge said. Before this, , state public prosecutor Hasan Mohammed Jinnah had informed the judge that about 52,000 police personnel were on the roads after September 22 to protect the life and liberty of citizens due to issues such as NIA raids, petrol bomb attacks and the ban on PFI. Multiple petrol bomb attacks were reported in the state against Bharatiya Janata Party and RSS members following the crackdown against the PFI.

However, senior advocate G Rajagopalan and advocate B Rabu Manohar, who represented the RSS, insistently cited a Supreme Court ruling to say that law and order problems can never be a reason to deny permission. The top court had made it clear it was for the authorities to maintain law and order, they said. Senior counsel S Prabakaran, who also appeared for the RSS, said the organisation need not suffer because of the ban on PFI. “Our submission was that when a high court has given a positive direction, how can an inspector of police not follow it…they are unable to obey a court order,” advocate Manohar said, referring to the September 22 order.

In response, representing the state, senior advocate NR Elango said the government received intelligence inputs from the Centre on possible law and order problems in view of the series of action against the PFI. The lives of the members of the general public is foremost important and the state cannot take any risk on their safety, Elango said.

The counsel, however, said police were willing to grant permission on any other day other than Gandhi Jayanthi on October 2.

It was after the RSS presented four alternative dates, the judge directed the police to grant permission on November 6 and adjourned the contempt petition to October 31. Before suggesting the alternate date, the judge concurred with the state government on the security situation, saying he was watching the ground reality and alleged threat due to the action against PFI.

Meanwhile, earlier on the same day, justice Ilanthiraiyan reserved orders on a petition filed by Thol Thirumavalan, MP and head of Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi’s (VCK), to recall the September 22 order on the march. VCK, an ally of the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), had sought permission for a “social harmony” human chain, as a way of opposing the RSS march on October 2, which was also rejected by the government.

The high court also suggested Thirumavalavan approach the Supreme Court with his plea. The top court is the right forum to deal with the issue, the judge said, when the writ petition from the Lok Sabha member came up for hearing. Thirumavalan, who met Tamil Nadu directorate general of police (DGP) Sylendra Babu later in the day, said: “The DGP said he would discuss with his department and let us know.” “There is an agenda behind the RSS selecting October 2 for their march,” he alleged. The state government had filed a petition on September 27 for a review of the order on September 22.

Despite all these multiple developments, the RSS did take out a rally in neighbouring  Puducherry after the Tamil Nadu government denied permission for the RSS rally. This was after the government under Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) denied permission to the rally of Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), Communist Part of India (CPI) and Communist Party of India Marxist (CPIM), all allies of the ruling DMK, on October 2, citing concerns over public safety and law and order. This came in the wake of recent violence which erupted after the National Investigation Agency (NIA) raided the Popular Front of India (PFI) on September 22 and 27 and subsequently put a ban on the organization and its affiliates. 

Speaking to the media on the issue, Narayanan Thirupathy of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said, "The DMK is uptight about the growth of the BJP and RSS. RSS always preaches discipline, control, etc, so these people are afraid of them. This is the only reason." 

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RSS training in corporation school, Coimbatore after push for multiple rallies across Tamil Nadu

While the RSS ‘training’ at corporation school in Coimbatore sparks row, and a probe is ordered, the outfit is clearly trying to make its public presence felt in the state.

RSS CampImage courtesy: The Indian Express - Tamil

A video that went ‘viral’ of a group of men reportedly belonging to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) conducting training within the premises of a corporation (civic body) school at RS Puram near Coimbatore on Sunday, October 9 has created yet another controversy in Tamil Nadu. The school headmaster has been sent a show cause notice. The RSS claimed it did not conduct any training inside the school and the volunteers were involved only in cleaning activity.

It was the members of Thanthai Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam (TPDK) that staged a protest in front of the school and raised slogans against corporation officials for allegedly providing permission for the RSS event, reported The Indian Express. Police personnel were deployed to prevent any untoward incident.

 

 

General secretary of the TPDK K Ramakrishnan, said: “The government should immediately take action against the concerned officials. The government should take measures to prevent such camps of RSS from taking place anywhere at corporation schools or public places in the future.” The issue was and is the grant of permission for such a training within the school.

Commissioner of the Coimbatore Corporation, M Prathap told the. Indian Express that the civic body does not grant permission for any social, political or religious gathering in schools and also added that it is investigating the incident. He added that the school headmaster was sent a show cause notice in connection to the incident.

 

 

Further, the RS Puram police registered a case against the people who allegedly trespassed into the school premises.

Meanwhile, the RSS, quick to have a defence, claimed it did not conduct any training inside the school. “No shakha (branch meeting) was held and the volunteers were involved only in cleaning activity and it is part of our annual seva event where volunteers clean public places and other institutions,” IE Tamil quoted an RSS member as saying.

RSS in Tamil Nadu

In fact, the past few weeks have seen several attempts by the RSS to establish itself in the public sphere within Dravidian Tamil Nadu. In fact, on October 2, to commemorate the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)  took out a massive rally in Puducherry.

A day after the Tamil Nadu government denied permission to the RSS to hold a rally on October 2, the Madras high court on Friday, September 30, said the rally can be held on November 6. The week before the high court had directed the state government to grant permission to the RSS to hold a rally on October 2. After the RSS was denied permission, despite the Madras High Court giving its nod for a rally, a contempt of court petition was moved. The petition was moved by Karthikeyan, joint secretary of RSS’s Thiruvallur unit, and hearing the same,

Widely reported in the media, including the Hindustan Times and the Indian Express, however, the government then approached the court, seeking a revision of the original order,  citing intelligence reports from central agencies indicating potential law and order problems. Meanwhile, the RSS’s Tiruvallur joint secretary R Karthikeyan also filed a contempt petition against officials and police for not granting permission for the rally despite the earlier court order.

The Madras high court finally directed Tamil Nadu police to grant permission to Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for a march across 49 locations on November 6 and threatened to initiate contempt action against authorities if they violated the order.

A day before, on September 29, the state government had declined to grant permission for the march – initially scheduled for October 2 – even as a single judge bench of the court on September 22 gave its nod, with certain riders. October 2 is the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. The DMK-led state government refused to allow the march citing law-and-order concerns, in the wake of recent violence which erupted after the National Investigation Agency (NIA) raided the now-banned Popular Front of India (PFI) on September 22 and 27 and arrested several of its members.

Justice G K Ilanthiraiyan, who had passed the order on the rally last month, was listening to a contempt of court petition by R Karthikeyan, joint secretary of RSS’s Thiruvallur unit, on September 30, when it directed the state government and police to give permission and inform the court about the same by October 31. In his petition, Karthikeyan pointed out that denial of permission to hold the march was an act of contempt against the high court order.

If a decision is not taken or permission is not given, the court will take up the contempt application and proceed to pass orders, the judge warned.

“Your concern is with regard to October 2, which happens to be Gandhi Jayanthi day. In that case, the event can be allowed to take place on November 6,” the judge said. Before this, , state public prosecutor Hasan Mohammed Jinnah had informed the judge that about 52,000 police personnel were on the roads after September 22 to protect the life and liberty of citizens due to issues such as NIA raids, petrol bomb attacks and the ban on PFI. Multiple petrol bomb attacks were reported in the state against Bharatiya Janata Party and RSS members following the crackdown against the PFI.

However, senior advocate G Rajagopalan and advocate B Rabu Manohar, who represented the RSS, insistently cited a Supreme Court ruling to say that law and order problems can never be a reason to deny permission. The top court had made it clear it was for the authorities to maintain law and order, they said. Senior counsel S Prabakaran, who also appeared for the RSS, said the organisation need not suffer because of the ban on PFI. “Our submission was that when a high court has given a positive direction, how can an inspector of police not follow it…they are unable to obey a court order,” advocate Manohar said, referring to the September 22 order.

In response, representing the state, senior advocate NR Elango said the government received intelligence inputs from the Centre on possible law and order problems in view of the series of action against the PFI. The lives of the members of the general public is foremost important and the state cannot take any risk on their safety, Elango said.

The counsel, however, said police were willing to grant permission on any other day other than Gandhi Jayanthi on October 2.

It was after the RSS presented four alternative dates, the judge directed the police to grant permission on November 6 and adjourned the contempt petition to October 31. Before suggesting the alternate date, the judge concurred with the state government on the security situation, saying he was watching the ground reality and alleged threat due to the action against PFI.

Meanwhile, earlier on the same day, justice Ilanthiraiyan reserved orders on a petition filed by Thol Thirumavalan, MP and head of Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi’s (VCK), to recall the September 22 order on the march. VCK, an ally of the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), had sought permission for a “social harmony” human chain, as a way of opposing the RSS march on October 2, which was also rejected by the government.

The high court also suggested Thirumavalavan approach the Supreme Court with his plea. The top court is the right forum to deal with the issue, the judge said, when the writ petition from the Lok Sabha member came up for hearing. Thirumavalan, who met Tamil Nadu directorate general of police (DGP) Sylendra Babu later in the day, said: “The DGP said he would discuss with his department and let us know.” “There is an agenda behind the RSS selecting October 2 for their march,” he alleged. The state government had filed a petition on September 27 for a review of the order on September 22.

Despite all these multiple developments, the RSS did take out a rally in neighbouring  Puducherry after the Tamil Nadu government denied permission for the RSS rally. This was after the government under Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) denied permission to the rally of Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), Communist Part of India (CPI) and Communist Party of India Marxist (CPIM), all allies of the ruling DMK, on October 2, citing concerns over public safety and law and order. This came in the wake of recent violence which erupted after the National Investigation Agency (NIA) raided the Popular Front of India (PFI) on September 22 and 27 and subsequently put a ban on the organization and its affiliates. 

Speaking to the media on the issue, Narayanan Thirupathy of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said, "The DMK is uptight about the growth of the BJP and RSS. RSS always preaches discipline, control, etc, so these people are afraid of them. This is the only reason." 

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